by Gamini Weerakoon
There’s a marked similarity in the mellifluous flow of words of American President Barack Obama and our own Prof. G. L. Peiris. Their oratory serves as a wonderful wrapping paper to cover the cracks beneath. In the case of Obama the cracks are his own creations but with our ‘professori’ the cracks are the makings of: you know who.
On Tuesday in an ornate room of the old Colombo Club, the Professor delivered the key note address of a workshop of the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, Colombo and the Centre for Security Analysis Chennai on the same theme, ‘Conflict in Sri Lanka: Internal and External Consequences.’
Achievements
The Professor claimed: Though ending of long drawn serious conflicts like the near 30-year-conflict could have resulted in serious consequences over a wide geographical area the government had handled this extremely complex situation in a way that gave rise to minimal consequences. There has been no proliferation of arms to neighbouring countries, influx of refugees, active collaboration of terrorist groups in the region or a threat to sea lanes, while in 17 months 257,000 refugees have been settled and only 17,000 remained in welfare centers. Of the11,700 ex-combatants 5,700 have been rehabilitated and proceedings will be initiated against 1,400, the Professor claimed in a near hour long extempore oration.
What’s worrying Tamils?
This vintage GL oratory could have left many in the audience wondering: what have the Tamils to worry about? But to us something seemed missing. We looked around the hall but could not spot a single well known Sri Lankan Tamil academic or politician in the audience. We mingled with the audience after the speech with a cup of tea but apart from Tamils in the Chennai delegation led by Indian General (Red) Ragahavan, there seemed to be no Sri Lankan Tamil — not even a born again ex-terrorist now in ministerial ranks.
Maybe we would not have been able to spot one or two but even if they were there would it have mattered because if after 17 months, the Rajapaksa policies which claims to have done mightily for the Tamils, could not have attracted Tamil academicians in noticeable numbers?
The basic issue which has been not probed deeply is what the so called ‘ moderate Tamils’ now feel about this great ‘ humanitarian’ military victory. Our experience is that they politely avoid the issue for many reasons, the main one being —traces of fear and suspicion still lingering. There are a few that have come out in support of the government’s efforts but for 17 months, a poor number to give satisfaction. But the Rajapaksas and their supporters thump themselves vigorously on their backs claiming what great things they have done for Tamils and how magnanimous they have been.
Preaching to the converted and convinced is an exhilarating exercise but even the clever Professor’s claims of the Rajapaksa government’s astute handling of the diplomatic and postwar strategies will not stand to scrutiny. European Union’s allegation of violation of human rights by the government which resulted in Sri Lanka losing billions of dollars over the GSP+ concession and the decision by UN General Secretary Ban Ki Moon to probe alleged war crimes of the Sri Lankan armed forces causing a head on collision with mighty Western nations which were our strong supporters and allies are illustrations of the bull in a China shop foreign policies adopted.
No solution
The main reason why the Western world looks at Sri Lanka with a jaundiced eye is the inability of the Rajapaksa government to find a solution to the main problem that plagues this country: solution to the Tamil problem. The All Party Conference was Mahinda Rajapaksa’s key to the resolution of the problem but after many years of painstaking work by Prof. Tissa Vitharana and all political parties, Rajapaksa has shelved it. Perhaps it is far too much a hot potato for the Sinhala south. Now he is betting on the Lessons Learnt Commission. As I mentioned earlier Tamils today fear they will never see a reasonable solution to the problems they face, as one and a half years after the war has ended it appears the majority community seem to believe they have conquered the Tamils and therefore their problems could be brushed aside.
A Tamil leader speaks out
Not many Tamils — not even political leaders speak out about the present situation. The evidence given by Dharmalingam Siddharthan, leader of the PLOTE (Peoples’ Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam) before the Lessons Learnt Committee gives some indication of what Tamils feel and what their aspirations today are. This evidence of this prominent Tamil leader who joined the democratic political mainstream well over a decade and a half ago received scant coverage both in the state media and the privately owned state media bootlicking the Rajapaksa clan. It gives an indication of the importance placed on Tamil opinion.
The following are excerpts of Dharmalingam Siddharthan’s evidence: Tamils today fear they will never see a reasonable solution to the problems they face, as after one and a half years after the war has ended it appears the majority community seem to believe they have conquered the Tamils and therefore their problems could be brushed aside. I see clearly there is a conquered mentality among the Tamil people.
There are many reasons for saying this. Today, we see state lands in the north and east being grabbed in the name of development in Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Mullaitivu, Murukkandy etc. and being allocated to big-time Sinhalese business people.
We do not oppose the entry of Sinhalese business people into the north, we are saddened that while the Tamil people who lost all but their lives during the war, are offered no help economically and are thereby in no position to compete with the financially affluent business people from the south of the country.
These people (from the south of the country) in addition have political support and the support of the armed forces. Lands are identified and have been demarcated for particular Sinhalese business persons.
Tamil people in general and my organisation in particular welcomes back into the north and east Sinhalese people who were displaced or perhaps I should say ethnically cleansed by the LTTE.
Unfortunately today we are witnessing hundreds of people who have never lived in these areas, suddenly descending and laying claim to lands in the north.
Siddharthan also said: When the war was brought to an end by the armed forces, a section of the Tamils breathed a sigh of relief while another section was saddened as they were extreme Tamil nationalists and LTTE supporters.
However all sections of the Tamils whether they be LTTE sympathisers or opposed to them, were fearful because the war came to an end without there being a reasonable solution, and all the sacrifices and dedication were in vain.
Today nearly one-and-a-half years later, there is still no sign of a political solution to the problems faced by the Tamil people.
Many Tamil people, Tamil groups, political parties and militant groups helped successive governments in its efforts believing that a political solution would be offered by the government of the day. Even Tamils who were in positions of power in the governments, such as Lakshman Kadirgamar who was largely responsible for procuring the help of the international community in the government’s war with the LTTE. He played a major role in getting the support of Western countries to ban the LTTE. He believed the problem had to be solved politically and not by military means.
Similarly other political parties like my own party the PLOTE, supported the successive governments because we believed in seeking a political solution to Tamil grievances within a united framework. The LTTE saw this as being traitorous to the cause of setting up a separate state and commenced killing large numbers of our cadres as well as cadres of those organisations which recognised a solution to the Tamil problems could be found within a united Sri Lanka.
Today thousands of widows and orphans belonging to parties which did not contribute to the LTTE beliefs languish below the poverty line. But government as well as international organisations seem to be hell bent on helping only LTTE cadres and their families with not a penny being spent to help uplift the families of Tamil militants who were killed because they strived towards achieving a political solution.
This situation must be corrected in the here and now.
These families must be helped to overcome the poverty into which they have been thrust by giving them a helping hand to restart their lives economically as well as to help them out of the traumatic times they have been, with trauma counselling. He also said that his organisation was deeply concerned about the sudden mushrooming of Buddhist temples in areas where no Buddhists live.
A good example of this is the land being allocated to construct a Buddhist temple in Mullaithivu (Vadduvahal Jnc.). This land was originally reserved for the construction of a co-operative society building.
I really cannot understand why a Buddhist temple is being constructed in an area where no Buddhist lives… unless there is a plan by the state to settle Buddhists in this area.
Many parents whose sons and daughters were conscripted by the LTTE are deeply concerned that while these innocents still languish in detention camps, top leaders and kidnappers are at large, many of them enjoying luxurious lifestyles. What I have mentioned are only a few examples of the injustices which have been heaped on the Tamil people of the north and east since the war ended. These are among the factors which are leading to the rising fears and suspicions which have been building during the past one and a half years.
These fears must be allayed and the Tamil community made to feel they are a part of this country. It is up to the Sinhalese people to make the Tamils understand they do not look on them as second class citizens, but are their equals in all respects. For this it becomes necessary to provide a political solution which can help the Tamil community to look after its own affairs in the regions. I am not talking of separation. I am emphasising the need for a devolution of power to the regions. Our party believes the 13th Amendment is a good starting point. It is a fact that there is a lack of trust between the Tamil-speaking community and the Sinhala community.
However it is the Sinhalese who are the majority in this country to convince the minorities especially those who have undergone the trauma and hardship of war that they are an integral part of this country. Therefore let us make a start by implementing the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in its totality while continuing the search for a final solution within a stipulated time frame. - courtesy: The Sunday Leader -
I AM AVAILABLE FOR HIRE INCLUDINF DAFUR GENOCIDE,IF I GET CABINET POST -PROF.G.L.PEIRIS OF OXFORD UNIVERSITY -RHODES SCHOLAR-
Sunday, October 31, 2010
Performing on behalf of the government after getting political asylum
Five Army officers who supported Sarath Fonseka during his Presidential election campaign are currently promoting two of President Mahinda Rajapaksa's supporters, singer Edward Jayakody and actor and announcer Jackson Anthony, sources in Switzerland said.
The five army officers have been granted political asylum in Switzerland after claiming they had threats to their lives. However, soon after receiving asylum status, they have organized musical shows in the country for Jayakody and Anthony.
In reality, the army officers fled the country due to threats from Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.
Jayakody who mis engaged in a European tour singing his music is supported by Anthony. They are engaged in this tour with the blessings of the President. The five army officers are the main organizers of the event.
The five army officers have been granted political asylum in Switzerland after claiming they had threats to their lives. However, soon after receiving asylum status, they have organized musical shows in the country for Jayakody and Anthony.
In reality, the army officers fled the country due to threats from Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.
Jayakody who mis engaged in a European tour singing his music is supported by Anthony. They are engaged in this tour with the blessings of the President. The five army officers are the main organizers of the event.
Police stations island wide issued a circular to arrest any one who criticizes the government and the President
Circulars ordering the arrest of any person who criticizes the government and the President has been received by police stations island wide on Friday (29), a senior police officer told Lanka News Web.
The state intelligence units have pointed out that a massive protest against the government and the President may be formed due to the criticism leveled by persons against the constantly rising cost of living and the battle for survival.
The police officer said the circular has been issued to prevent such a situation from taking place. The circular it is learnt has further ordered the police stations to arrest individuals critical of the President and the government
under allegations of misbehaving in public after consuming liqor and to present them to courts udenr such charges.
The state intelligence units have pointed out that a massive protest against the government and the President may be formed due to the criticism leveled by persons against the constantly rising cost of living and the battle for survival.
The police officer said the circular has been issued to prevent such a situation from taking place. The circular it is learnt has further ordered the police stations to arrest individuals critical of the President and the government
under allegations of misbehaving in public after consuming liqor and to present them to courts udenr such charges.
Participate in Grama Charika without being foolish – Dayasiri tells Sajith
Parliamentarian Dayasiri Jayasekera has asked Sajith Premadasa to participate in the Grama Charika programme and build his support base among party members throughithout carrying out separate programmes like Udagam Charika and Grama Sanvardhana Charika, which are a failure.
Dayasiri had said that the rural vote base was the lifeline and that the Grama Charika programme would indeed revitalize the party's vote base at village level and that he would not object to the programme. He had notedat if he did not have to participate in the finals of Mega Star, he too would have been part of the Grama Charika programme in Horana.
It is also learnt that Dayasiri has requested deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya to hold the fourth session of Grama Charika in his Panduwasnuvara electorate in the Kurunegala District and that Jayasuriya has agreed to it.
Dayasiri had said that the rural vote base was the lifeline and that the Grama Charika programme would indeed revitalize the party's vote base at village level and that he would not object to the programme. He had notedat if he did not have to participate in the finals of Mega Star, he too would have been part of the Grama Charika programme in Horana.
It is also learnt that Dayasiri has requested deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya to hold the fourth session of Grama Charika in his Panduwasnuvara electorate in the Kurunegala District and that Jayasuriya has agreed to it.
I will never support the Govt. -Late Maheswaran M .P.’s wife Vijayakala vehemently asserts
(Lanka-e-News 31.Oct.2010 10.00PM) UNP MP Vijayakala Maheswaran referring to the news item posted in the Lanka e news website, clarified yesterday (30) that she will never ever join the ruling alliance party. Though others may join the alliance on the pretext of strengthening the ‘two hands’ of the President , she will unlike them never betray her supporters, she emphasized.
The news item which stated that because the programs which late Maheswaran was conducting when he was alive have now come to a standstill , she was going to join the Govt. is absolutely false and misleading.
The programs floundering and her responsibility towards the Tamil people as their representative have no relationship, she further added.
The news item which stated that because the programs which late Maheswaran was conducting when he was alive have now come to a standstill , she was going to join the Govt. is absolutely false and misleading.
The programs floundering and her responsibility towards the Tamil people as their representative have no relationship, she further added.
‘Ranil is incapable’ posters were pasted because they know he is capable –Mangala at Grama charika launch
(Lanka-e-News, Oct. 31, 2010, 11.15PM) UNP MP and media chief Mangala Samaraweera when addressing the UNP members at Horana today (31) on the occasion of the launching of the UNP Grama Charika campaign said, during the period when Chandrika Kumaratunge was the President and he was the Treasurer of the Party, he spent Rs. Four million to print the poster “Ranil is incapable’ and pasted all over the country because Ranil was the biggest threat to his party.
This Govt., though had not pasted posters that Ranil is incapable, is unrelentingly attacking Ranil at every turn and via every media because it is fully aware that he poses the most dangerous threat to it.
If I just even criticize Ranil by a word, tomorrow onwards I will be given headline publicity by the Govt. media. Mahinda Rajapakse knows too well how capable Wickremesinghe is, Mangala asserted.
Wickremesinghe is not in the habit of hypocritically carrying a child when he sees one, nor does he go and worship every Bo sapling which has grown on crow’s excrement with the TV cameras focused on him. What the country needs is such a clever intelligent and sincere leader, he added.
Today the SLFP is a conglomerate of bookie owners, black marketers and terrorists. The past UNP leaders were not tainted with scandals and corruption as those of the present Govt.
Sajith Premadasa is a politician with a great future in the UNP party. In the UNP Dictionary there is no word called ‘cant’. We are therefore definitely going to come to power before August 2012.That is my firm conviction he observed.
UNP Deputy leader Karu Jayasooriya
If humaneness and human feelings are to be revived in this country, a UNP regime must come into power. Just see the injustice committed and sufferings inflicted on our opposition common candidate Gen. Sarath Fonseka. The war hero who won the war and defeated the terrorists who destroyed the country is put in jail by this Govt. What a brutal regime is this ?
We certainly do not condone the faults of students. But we don’t approve the Govt. action of using marauders and goons to harass them instead of resolving their justifiable demands. Some people in this country celebrated the passage of the 18th amendment in Parliament by eating kiribath. Very soon they will realize the evil fallouts of this 18th amendment. Then it will be too late even to vomit the kiribath they happily ate.
Today, there is no freedom even to paste a poster. 10 to 12 Journalists have been murdered. There had been no investigations conducted into them.
Through the Grama charika we have delegated responsibilities to all on behalf of the party. Everyone will have to go to their villages and carry out those duties. Very soon a Govt. under the UNP will soon be installed where all can live without fear and suspicion whereby justice and fair play will prevail, Jayasooriya emphasized
This Govt., though had not pasted posters that Ranil is incapable, is unrelentingly attacking Ranil at every turn and via every media because it is fully aware that he poses the most dangerous threat to it.
If I just even criticize Ranil by a word, tomorrow onwards I will be given headline publicity by the Govt. media. Mahinda Rajapakse knows too well how capable Wickremesinghe is, Mangala asserted.
Wickremesinghe is not in the habit of hypocritically carrying a child when he sees one, nor does he go and worship every Bo sapling which has grown on crow’s excrement with the TV cameras focused on him. What the country needs is such a clever intelligent and sincere leader, he added.
Today the SLFP is a conglomerate of bookie owners, black marketers and terrorists. The past UNP leaders were not tainted with scandals and corruption as those of the present Govt.
Sajith Premadasa is a politician with a great future in the UNP party. In the UNP Dictionary there is no word called ‘cant’. We are therefore definitely going to come to power before August 2012.That is my firm conviction he observed.
UNP Deputy leader Karu Jayasooriya
If humaneness and human feelings are to be revived in this country, a UNP regime must come into power. Just see the injustice committed and sufferings inflicted on our opposition common candidate Gen. Sarath Fonseka. The war hero who won the war and defeated the terrorists who destroyed the country is put in jail by this Govt. What a brutal regime is this ?
We certainly do not condone the faults of students. But we don’t approve the Govt. action of using marauders and goons to harass them instead of resolving their justifiable demands. Some people in this country celebrated the passage of the 18th amendment in Parliament by eating kiribath. Very soon they will realize the evil fallouts of this 18th amendment. Then it will be too late even to vomit the kiribath they happily ate.
Today, there is no freedom even to paste a poster. 10 to 12 Journalists have been murdered. There had been no investigations conducted into them.
Through the Grama charika we have delegated responsibilities to all on behalf of the party. Everyone will have to go to their villages and carry out those duties. Very soon a Govt. under the UNP will soon be installed where all can live without fear and suspicion whereby justice and fair play will prevail, Jayasooriya emphasized
A statue of former political wing leader of the LTTE, S. P. Thamilchelvan is scheduled to be erected in La Courneuve, a French town in the northeaster
By Dianne Silva
A statue of former political wing leader of the LTTE, S. P. Thamilchelvan is scheduled to be erected in La Courneuve, a French town in the northeastern suburbs of Paris by a group of Tamils, External Ministry Sources told Daily Mirror
La Courneuve, reportedly home to a large Tamil population, had already laid down the foundation for the statue which is being erected in light of the third death anniversary of Thamilchelvan.
It is reported that Sri Lankans in Germany and France had already written objecting to the erection of a statue of a member of a terrorist organization, to the Mayor of La Courneuve as well as French President Nicole Sarkozy. Thamilchelvan was killed in Sri Lanka Air Force aerial bombardment in November, 2007 in Kilinochchi.
Last year, Tamil disapora commemorated the second death anniversary of Thamilchelvan.
IT WAS INDIAN INTELLIGENCE AGENCY - RAW- WHICH GUIDEND LANKAN BOMBERS TO TARGET TAMILSELVAN THRU SATELITE IMAGING.
A statue of former political wing leader of the LTTE, S. P. Thamilchelvan is scheduled to be erected in La Courneuve, a French town in the northeastern suburbs of Paris by a group of Tamils, External Ministry Sources told Daily Mirror
La Courneuve, reportedly home to a large Tamil population, had already laid down the foundation for the statue which is being erected in light of the third death anniversary of Thamilchelvan.
It is reported that Sri Lankans in Germany and France had already written objecting to the erection of a statue of a member of a terrorist organization, to the Mayor of La Courneuve as well as French President Nicole Sarkozy. Thamilchelvan was killed in Sri Lanka Air Force aerial bombardment in November, 2007 in Kilinochchi.
Last year, Tamil disapora commemorated the second death anniversary of Thamilchelvan.
IT WAS INDIAN INTELLIGENCE AGENCY - RAW- WHICH GUIDEND LANKAN BOMBERS TO TARGET TAMILSELVAN THRU SATELITE IMAGING.
Unimo Enterprises Limited (UEL) a fully owned subsidiary of United Motors Lanka PLC recently received the licence to assemble Zotye SUV's in Sri Lanka
Zotye holding group is one of the leading small and medium sized jeep manufacturers in China. The company currently exports its vehicles to over 50 countries covering the Middle East, West Asia, Russia, Latin America etc. However it continues to pay close attention to developments in international automobile circles in order to constantly upgrade its technology for new product development.
The Zotye Nomad as it was previously known when imported in completely built form, has now been re-launched as Zotye Extreme for the local market. As part of a strategic decision taken by the UEL management to enter the local vehicle assembly industry, the Zotye Extreme is now imported to Sri Lanka in Semi Knocked Down (SKD) form and assembled incorporating more than 30 % local value addition, as per the requirements set out by the Ministry of Industries. Body trimmings, paint, tyres, battery, seats, radiator and badges are all sourced locally from well reputed suppliers who ensure export quality standard. The company continues to search for more local suppliers with a view to increasing the share of local components.
The Zotye Extreme is equipped with a 1.3 Litre engine which allows it to be marketed at Rs. 1,850,000 upwards making it the most affordable brand new SUV in Sri Lanka. The Zotye is ideal for Sri Lankan terrain due its high ground clearance.
The locally assembled vehicle was inspected by the former minister of Industrial Development Hon. Minister Kumar Welagama and the current Minister of Industries Hon. Minister Rishard Badrudeen, who have both expressed their satisfaction about what this project has achieved.
According to Mr. Chanaka Yatawara, Director of Unimo Enterprises Ltd., vehicles have been pre-booked and the company is now taking orders for the year 2011. He further stated that the company is also looking at the possibility of exporting vehicles to other countries in the region.
The Zotye Nomad as it was previously known when imported in completely built form, has now been re-launched as Zotye Extreme for the local market. As part of a strategic decision taken by the UEL management to enter the local vehicle assembly industry, the Zotye Extreme is now imported to Sri Lanka in Semi Knocked Down (SKD) form and assembled incorporating more than 30 % local value addition, as per the requirements set out by the Ministry of Industries. Body trimmings, paint, tyres, battery, seats, radiator and badges are all sourced locally from well reputed suppliers who ensure export quality standard. The company continues to search for more local suppliers with a view to increasing the share of local components.
The Zotye Extreme is equipped with a 1.3 Litre engine which allows it to be marketed at Rs. 1,850,000 upwards making it the most affordable brand new SUV in Sri Lanka. The Zotye is ideal for Sri Lankan terrain due its high ground clearance.
The locally assembled vehicle was inspected by the former minister of Industrial Development Hon. Minister Kumar Welagama and the current Minister of Industries Hon. Minister Rishard Badrudeen, who have both expressed their satisfaction about what this project has achieved.
According to Mr. Chanaka Yatawara, Director of Unimo Enterprises Ltd., vehicles have been pre-booked and the company is now taking orders for the year 2011. He further stated that the company is also looking at the possibility of exporting vehicles to other countries in the region.
The case on the conspiracy behind Rajiv Gandhi’s 1991 assassination is not yet finished
By B.M. Murshideen
The case on the conspiracy behind Rajiv Gandhi’s 1991 assassination is not yet finished, even though the designated court in Chennai had dropped all charges in the case against the LTTE Supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran and Pottu Amman alias Shanmuganathan Sivasankaran, Diplomatic sources said.Responding to the Daily Mirror yesterday they also said that according to the Indian law, still the legal process is going on. It will find more on the assassination of the former Indian Prime Minister who was killed in Tamil Nadu.
The designated Judge K. Dakshinamurthy ordered the dropping of the case and charges against the two LTTE leaders after the report filed by the CBI’s Multi Disciplinary Monitoring Agency (MDMA) which was formed in 1998 to investigate the wider conspiracy behind Rajive Gandhi’s killing.
The Sri Lankan Government last year declared the death of Prabhakaran in battle. But, the formal death certificate was not yet issued. Informed sources said there was cooperation between the law enforcement and the other relevant agencies of the two countries and the appropriate information was provided by the Sri Lankan Government.
The case on the conspiracy behind Rajiv Gandhi’s 1991 assassination is not yet finished, even though the designated court in Chennai had dropped all charges in the case against the LTTE Supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran and Pottu Amman alias Shanmuganathan Sivasankaran, Diplomatic sources said.Responding to the Daily Mirror yesterday they also said that according to the Indian law, still the legal process is going on. It will find more on the assassination of the former Indian Prime Minister who was killed in Tamil Nadu.
The designated Judge K. Dakshinamurthy ordered the dropping of the case and charges against the two LTTE leaders after the report filed by the CBI’s Multi Disciplinary Monitoring Agency (MDMA) which was formed in 1998 to investigate the wider conspiracy behind Rajive Gandhi’s killing.
The Sri Lankan Government last year declared the death of Prabhakaran in battle. But, the formal death certificate was not yet issued. Informed sources said there was cooperation between the law enforcement and the other relevant agencies of the two countries and the appropriate information was provided by the Sri Lankan Government.
Be it the ethnic issue, or the Fonseka affair, or whatever, wherever politics is involved, it is for politicians to find a way out. N.SATHIYAMOORTHY
Be it the ethnic issue, or the Fonseka affair, or whatever, wherever politics is involved, it is for politicians to find a way out. They cannot run away from their responsibilities, and lament the consequences. In this, intellectuals and religious-heads, as has become inevitable in the case of contemporary Sri Lanka, can provide inputs, and even facilitate the processes, but not expect that their will alone could and should prevail.
Intellectuals are also as divided a lot as the politicos. That is because there are two sides to the coin, and there can be no coin without two sides. They however seem not wanting to accept this fact. So are the divinely-inclined, to whichever religion or denomination they belong. In the process, they end up getting identified with one party or leader. Labelling them hence become a part of this process, and easier, too. Neither does this help.
There are not many instances in the case of Sri Lanka, where the other two sections have been able to convince the political lot otherwise, however close they may have been. If ever the politico takes any one of the other two seriously, it owes mainly to conviction that is independent of the influence of the kind.
There can be no solution to the ethnic issue or other problems, independent of the political class. It may even be true that the intellectual class and religious leaders take a non-partisan and morally-sound position on such issues. That does not help. It is the partisan positions taken by the politicos that count. They alone have contributed to the ‘ethnic mess’, for instance, and it is they alone who can clear it.
Starting from the days of ‘universal adult franchise’, circa 1931, the Sinhala political class had looked at things only from an electoral perspective. After a point, it was so with the Tamil parties, too. The same could be said of the international community, where the ‘Diaspora vote-bank’ matters.
For an actionable solution to be found for the ‘national problem’ that is the ‘ethnic issue’, President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Tamil polity will have to now begin leading them -- rather than allowing them to be led by the other. Sentiments did not find solutions in the past, and they will not do so in the future.
Neither pro-active Government initiatives like the ‘Sinhala Only’ law, nor the uni-focussed approach and methods of the LTTE has delivered goods for the respective constituencies. For that to happen, the post-war leaderships need to look beyond development and devolution.
Like in neighbouring India, President Rajapaksa may have to think in terms of ‘development with a human face’. In the Sri Lankan context, there is an element of ethnicity too involved. In this, ‘devolution’ as which delivery-mechanism alone can ensure that the benefits reach the target groups, with political accountability that is measurable in electoral terms -- and not just in the Tamil areas.
On finding a political solution to the ethnic issue and also a delivery mechanism that works for the whole nation, history has chosen President Rajapaksa. None can question his patriotism. If he does not put a face to the problem, and provide acceptable and actionable solutions, no one in his place would want to, or be able to do it in decades to come.
Without the ethnic angle, devolution as a product of development can at best be delayed, not denied. When forced out of the State, it would either have to react as States often do -- or capitulate, if only in constitutional terms, in ways a few others have done.
This was the message of the two ‘JVP insurgencies’. To believe that the ‘Second JVP insurgency’ was an exclusive product of the India-Sri Lanka Accord would be to deny the truth. The Accord may have provided a false trigger but the real causes and methods lay elsewhere.
Ironically, President Ranasinghe Premadasa came to be chosen to put down the ‘Second JVP Insurgency’ ruthlessly even as he otherwise shared their perceptions on the Accord -- and was also seen as the protector of those people that the JVP too claimed to represent. In the process, he ended up making ‘deadly peace’ with the LTTE, in the process, the ‘enemy’.
The rest, as they say, is history -- but answers yet need to be found to the questions thrown up by that insurgency, here and now.
N.SATHIYAMOORTHY REFLECTS THE VIEWS OF INDIAN GOVT OR INTELLIGENCE ARM -RAW=
NEED NOT BE TRUTHFUL BUT,SELF SERVING
Intellectuals are also as divided a lot as the politicos. That is because there are two sides to the coin, and there can be no coin without two sides. They however seem not wanting to accept this fact. So are the divinely-inclined, to whichever religion or denomination they belong. In the process, they end up getting identified with one party or leader. Labelling them hence become a part of this process, and easier, too. Neither does this help.
There are not many instances in the case of Sri Lanka, where the other two sections have been able to convince the political lot otherwise, however close they may have been. If ever the politico takes any one of the other two seriously, it owes mainly to conviction that is independent of the influence of the kind.
There can be no solution to the ethnic issue or other problems, independent of the political class. It may even be true that the intellectual class and religious leaders take a non-partisan and morally-sound position on such issues. That does not help. It is the partisan positions taken by the politicos that count. They alone have contributed to the ‘ethnic mess’, for instance, and it is they alone who can clear it.
Starting from the days of ‘universal adult franchise’, circa 1931, the Sinhala political class had looked at things only from an electoral perspective. After a point, it was so with the Tamil parties, too. The same could be said of the international community, where the ‘Diaspora vote-bank’ matters.
For an actionable solution to be found for the ‘national problem’ that is the ‘ethnic issue’, President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Tamil polity will have to now begin leading them -- rather than allowing them to be led by the other. Sentiments did not find solutions in the past, and they will not do so in the future.
Neither pro-active Government initiatives like the ‘Sinhala Only’ law, nor the uni-focussed approach and methods of the LTTE has delivered goods for the respective constituencies. For that to happen, the post-war leaderships need to look beyond development and devolution.
Like in neighbouring India, President Rajapaksa may have to think in terms of ‘development with a human face’. In the Sri Lankan context, there is an element of ethnicity too involved. In this, ‘devolution’ as which delivery-mechanism alone can ensure that the benefits reach the target groups, with political accountability that is measurable in electoral terms -- and not just in the Tamil areas.
On finding a political solution to the ethnic issue and also a delivery mechanism that works for the whole nation, history has chosen President Rajapaksa. None can question his patriotism. If he does not put a face to the problem, and provide acceptable and actionable solutions, no one in his place would want to, or be able to do it in decades to come.
Without the ethnic angle, devolution as a product of development can at best be delayed, not denied. When forced out of the State, it would either have to react as States often do -- or capitulate, if only in constitutional terms, in ways a few others have done.
This was the message of the two ‘JVP insurgencies’. To believe that the ‘Second JVP insurgency’ was an exclusive product of the India-Sri Lanka Accord would be to deny the truth. The Accord may have provided a false trigger but the real causes and methods lay elsewhere.
Ironically, President Ranasinghe Premadasa came to be chosen to put down the ‘Second JVP Insurgency’ ruthlessly even as he otherwise shared their perceptions on the Accord -- and was also seen as the protector of those people that the JVP too claimed to represent. In the process, he ended up making ‘deadly peace’ with the LTTE, in the process, the ‘enemy’.
The rest, as they say, is history -- but answers yet need to be found to the questions thrown up by that insurgency, here and now.
N.SATHIYAMOORTHY REFLECTS THE VIEWS OF INDIAN GOVT OR INTELLIGENCE ARM -RAW=
NEED NOT BE TRUTHFUL BUT,SELF SERVING
Kurakkan: Why was disliked by the Kandyan nobility?
By Durand Appuhamy
I do relish any food items made of kurakkan or finger millet. Does anyone know the real reasons why the Kandyan aristocracy did not like food made out of Kurakkan? Punchibandara Dolapihilla in his book "In the last days of Sri Wickramarajasingha" describes the contempt shown to this rustic food by Rammalaka Nilame before the King himself. Here’s what happened as described by Dolapihilla:
The king with the help of Arrawwawala Maha Nilame had sown Kurakkan in a patch of land somewhere not far from the palace in Pata-Dumbara. It had been harvested by his queens and their noble friends. The king ordered Maha Mudiyanse to serve Kurakkan lunch to the assembled court one day. The assembled nobles considered that Kurakkan lunch an insult to the throne and nobility. For some reason it was considered humiliating to partake of Kurakkan food by the Kandyan nobility. They could not leave the assembly to avoid taking this lunch without causing grave disrespect to the king. So they had to stay and partake of the food they disdained at home.
The Maha Mudiyanse and his helpers started distributing the parcels wrapped in plantain leaf (Gotu Kurakkan) to each courtier who received it with feigned respect. Suddenly everything came to a stop even as his stretched out hand held out a parcel. The intended receiver Rammalaka Nilamay blurted out "Is Your Lordship gone blind that you cannot see my difficulty?" His hands were as far back as either hand could go. To all appearances he was making frantic efforts to bring them forward without much success. After a few puzzled minutes the King asked, "Is Rammalaka Nilamay in the throes of some malady?" At this the stubborn hands came forward. He held them folded above his head and addressed the King thus:
"Deiyo Buduwanta, Your servant cannot understand what has gone wrong with these two hands of mine. As obedient in war to bring down the enemies of Maha Wasala, as in peace to make paddy fields productive, they refuse to obey today. It would appear they object to let Kurakkan roti feed the stomach from where their strength is derived". The king was taken by surprise and asked him, "Has Rammalaka Nilamay never tasted Kurakkan?" His insinuating reply was: "Lord, ever since the day your balu getta knew the taste of rice has my mother been obliged to dress such food in her kitchen. Nor does she permit her children to touch what slaves cook".
The king did hide his displeasure at the disguised insult and directed that the refused parcel be laid aside and the rest distributed. The protester lost his lunch parcel and was lucky to have not lost his life! The guests did no more than taste the food. Nor was the king able to do justice to his lunch. The servitors who trooped in to remove the plantain leaves that served for plates had to bear away almost all the Kurakkan cooked in the palace that morning. Thus, ended the Kurakkan lunch at the palace and became the talk of the town for days to come.
I do relish any food items made of kurakkan or finger millet. Does anyone know the real reasons why the Kandyan aristocracy did not like food made out of Kurakkan? Punchibandara Dolapihilla in his book "In the last days of Sri Wickramarajasingha" describes the contempt shown to this rustic food by Rammalaka Nilame before the King himself. Here’s what happened as described by Dolapihilla:
The king with the help of Arrawwawala Maha Nilame had sown Kurakkan in a patch of land somewhere not far from the palace in Pata-Dumbara. It had been harvested by his queens and their noble friends. The king ordered Maha Mudiyanse to serve Kurakkan lunch to the assembled court one day. The assembled nobles considered that Kurakkan lunch an insult to the throne and nobility. For some reason it was considered humiliating to partake of Kurakkan food by the Kandyan nobility. They could not leave the assembly to avoid taking this lunch without causing grave disrespect to the king. So they had to stay and partake of the food they disdained at home.
The Maha Mudiyanse and his helpers started distributing the parcels wrapped in plantain leaf (Gotu Kurakkan) to each courtier who received it with feigned respect. Suddenly everything came to a stop even as his stretched out hand held out a parcel. The intended receiver Rammalaka Nilamay blurted out "Is Your Lordship gone blind that you cannot see my difficulty?" His hands were as far back as either hand could go. To all appearances he was making frantic efforts to bring them forward without much success. After a few puzzled minutes the King asked, "Is Rammalaka Nilamay in the throes of some malady?" At this the stubborn hands came forward. He held them folded above his head and addressed the King thus:
"Deiyo Buduwanta, Your servant cannot understand what has gone wrong with these two hands of mine. As obedient in war to bring down the enemies of Maha Wasala, as in peace to make paddy fields productive, they refuse to obey today. It would appear they object to let Kurakkan roti feed the stomach from where their strength is derived". The king was taken by surprise and asked him, "Has Rammalaka Nilamay never tasted Kurakkan?" His insinuating reply was: "Lord, ever since the day your balu getta knew the taste of rice has my mother been obliged to dress such food in her kitchen. Nor does she permit her children to touch what slaves cook".
The king did hide his displeasure at the disguised insult and directed that the refused parcel be laid aside and the rest distributed. The protester lost his lunch parcel and was lucky to have not lost his life! The guests did no more than taste the food. Nor was the king able to do justice to his lunch. The servitors who trooped in to remove the plantain leaves that served for plates had to bear away almost all the Kurakkan cooked in the palace that morning. Thus, ended the Kurakkan lunch at the palace and became the talk of the town for days to come.
Reminiscing the past: judicial independence,
MIDDLE GROUND
by Kalana Senaratne
There are speeches which remind us of the past: the distant, as well as the recent past; the forgotten, as well as the unforgettable past. Such a speech was delivered by Mr. Sarath N. Silva recently, in defence of Mr. Sarath Fonseka (at a petition-signing ceremony on 25 October, 2010).
Protection of human rights campaigners
There was a topical issue raised by Mr. Silva, unintentionally, when he began to recount the numerous allegations which had been levelled against Mr. Rajapaksa years and decades ago (including allegations of murder). Mr. Silva, in the process, refers to the case of Mahinda Rajapaksa v. Kudahetti and others (judgment of the Supreme Court, of July 1992), to remind his audience how the Supreme Court protected Mr. Rajapaksa’s fundamental rights. But there is a more important issue here.
The case was about the alleged violation of fundamental rights of the then MP Mahinda Rajapaksa. MP Rajapaksa (in 1990) was to board an aircraft bound to Geneva, to participate in the 31st session of the working group on Enforced
Disappearances. At the airport, his bag had been examined by an Assistant Superintendant of Police named Kudahetti. Interestingly, inside the bag were some 533 documents containing information on missing persons, and 19 pages of photographs. Since ASP Kudahetti took charge of these documents and photographs (under Emergency Regulations), MP Rajapaksa later alleged that he had been "prevented from presenting, distributing and or publishing them at the Conference in Geneva" and hence, a violation of the freedom of speech and expression.
What is topical about the above is that the very same practices adopted by MP Rajapaksa continue, and those engaged in such acts (i.e. highlighting human rights problems and protecting the rights of persons) are not necessarily ‘enemies of the state’. MP Rajapaksa was known then as an "active campaigner for the protection of human rights" (as per his affidavit), and he was in the Opposition. And if MP Rajapaksa wasn’t an enemy of the state, others who resort to similar practices are not either. This may be certainly different as regards the elements which directly advocate separatism; but not so, as regards those who only advocate the importance of human rights protection. The government should remember that an ‘active campaigner for the protection of human rights’ is not necessarily an active campaigner against the state (otherwise, President Rajapaksa, one would need to conclude, was one of the most prominent campaigners against the state!); especially at a time when sweeping generalizations are made and all individuals and groups advocating the protection of human rights are lumped together and conveniently labelled ‘enemies of the state’. The fundamental task here is the protection of rights of citizens as well as the rights of those campaigning for the protection of human rights.
Independence of the judiciary
Another important issue that was perhaps indirectly raised by Mr. Silva was the issue concerning judicial independence.
Mr. Silva refers to the instances when the judiciary protected President Rajapaksa’s fundamental rights. But having done that, he then goes on to ask President Rajapaksa – and not the judiciary - to do the same with regard to the rights of Sarath Fonseka. The more logical appeal would have been for Mr. Silva to request the judiciary to protect the rights of Sarath Fonseka. To ask President Rajapaksa to protect Mr. Fonseka’s rights because the judiciary protected the rights of President Rajapaksa is, as many would note, illogical. And if the intention was to ask for a Presidential pardon, then Mr. Silva need not have reminded the public of how the judiciary protected President Rajapaksa’s rights!
But is there some hidden logic to all this, that Mr. Silva does not want to reveal in public? Without asking the judiciary to protect the rights of Mr. Fonseka, why did Mr. Silva ask President Rajapaksa to do so? This appeal seems to imply, rather seriously, that the judiciary is under the absolute control of the President. What Mr. Silva seems to be saying is that he has no faith in the judiciary. This raises a lot of questions, and the judiciary would do well to take serious note of the perception that has been created in the minds of the people, of a deeply politicized judiciary (a problem which is not resolved, but rather exacerbated, by the 18th Amendment).
This also reminds us further that the former CJ’s was an accusation which was so tellingly leveled against the judiciary for many years, especially during the time that Mr. Silva was a dominant or even domineering figure of that important branch of the state. One cannot forget the unfortunate way in which the erosion of judicial independence took place, due to certain actions and decisions of the former CJ Silva. It is unnecessary, and even difficult, to enumerate here the number of accusations that have been leveled against him in this regard. These accusations have been well documented by his critics elsewhere, and even referred to by certain international organizations in numerous reports.
Mr. Silva, having left the judiciary, talks today with a sense of deep conviction about justice and why President Rajapaksa needs to show greater compassion in the handling of the Fonseka issue. But then, one only needs to ask one Anthony Emmanuel Fernando about how his fundamental rights were protected, about how justice was meted out, and the sheer compassion (!) with which he was treated in the Supreme Court and imprisoned, when he appeared before the former CJ some years ago; a case which even shocked the former UN Rapporteur Param Cumaraswamy since one noticed that former CJ was hearing a case in which he was a party!
Mr. Silva, during the course of his recent speech, also refers in a mocking and sarcastic tone to the absolute powers of the President: the power he has to establish a military tribunal and ratify its decisions, apart from the fact of the President also being the Commander-in-Chief. But of course, while appreciating the point made by Mr. Silva, one also should remember that it is this same kind of absolute power which the President had under the Constitution, in the form of Article 107(1) that enabled former President Chandrika Kumaratunga to appoint Mr. Silva to the post of Chief Justice (reportedly acting contrary to the serious concerns raised by eminent lawyers such as the late Mr. H. L. De Silva PC and Mr. R. K.W. Goonesekara). Mr. Silva in particular should have been a bit more mindful when accusing the office of the President or the powers of the President because it was that very office and its powers which elevated him to that high post of ‘Chief Justice’; the image of which he, quite sadly, tarnished due to some of the decisions he made during the course of his tenure.
Conclusion
Revisiting the past is a necessary and useful exercise, but it is not always an enjoyable one. There are lessons to be learned, and one hopes that the present government, as well as the distinguished members of the judiciary would do so, sooner rather than later. In short, be mindful of what Mr. Silva tells us today, for there are many things to learn. But be mindful of what he did, too. For reminding us of all that, of things which some may have forgotten and things which remain unforgettable, we ought to thank Mr. Silva.
(Kalana Senaratne is a postgraduate research student at the Law Faculty, University of Hong Kong; kalanack@gmail.com)
THIS IS BEING RECORDED HERE FOR POSTERITY.HOW JUDICIARY PLAYED GAMES AND NOW IN A QUANDRY)
by Kalana Senaratne
There are speeches which remind us of the past: the distant, as well as the recent past; the forgotten, as well as the unforgettable past. Such a speech was delivered by Mr. Sarath N. Silva recently, in defence of Mr. Sarath Fonseka (at a petition-signing ceremony on 25 October, 2010).
Protection of human rights campaigners
There was a topical issue raised by Mr. Silva, unintentionally, when he began to recount the numerous allegations which had been levelled against Mr. Rajapaksa years and decades ago (including allegations of murder). Mr. Silva, in the process, refers to the case of Mahinda Rajapaksa v. Kudahetti and others (judgment of the Supreme Court, of July 1992), to remind his audience how the Supreme Court protected Mr. Rajapaksa’s fundamental rights. But there is a more important issue here.
The case was about the alleged violation of fundamental rights of the then MP Mahinda Rajapaksa. MP Rajapaksa (in 1990) was to board an aircraft bound to Geneva, to participate in the 31st session of the working group on Enforced
Disappearances. At the airport, his bag had been examined by an Assistant Superintendant of Police named Kudahetti. Interestingly, inside the bag were some 533 documents containing information on missing persons, and 19 pages of photographs. Since ASP Kudahetti took charge of these documents and photographs (under Emergency Regulations), MP Rajapaksa later alleged that he had been "prevented from presenting, distributing and or publishing them at the Conference in Geneva" and hence, a violation of the freedom of speech and expression.
What is topical about the above is that the very same practices adopted by MP Rajapaksa continue, and those engaged in such acts (i.e. highlighting human rights problems and protecting the rights of persons) are not necessarily ‘enemies of the state’. MP Rajapaksa was known then as an "active campaigner for the protection of human rights" (as per his affidavit), and he was in the Opposition. And if MP Rajapaksa wasn’t an enemy of the state, others who resort to similar practices are not either. This may be certainly different as regards the elements which directly advocate separatism; but not so, as regards those who only advocate the importance of human rights protection. The government should remember that an ‘active campaigner for the protection of human rights’ is not necessarily an active campaigner against the state (otherwise, President Rajapaksa, one would need to conclude, was one of the most prominent campaigners against the state!); especially at a time when sweeping generalizations are made and all individuals and groups advocating the protection of human rights are lumped together and conveniently labelled ‘enemies of the state’. The fundamental task here is the protection of rights of citizens as well as the rights of those campaigning for the protection of human rights.
Independence of the judiciary
Another important issue that was perhaps indirectly raised by Mr. Silva was the issue concerning judicial independence.
Mr. Silva refers to the instances when the judiciary protected President Rajapaksa’s fundamental rights. But having done that, he then goes on to ask President Rajapaksa – and not the judiciary - to do the same with regard to the rights of Sarath Fonseka. The more logical appeal would have been for Mr. Silva to request the judiciary to protect the rights of Sarath Fonseka. To ask President Rajapaksa to protect Mr. Fonseka’s rights because the judiciary protected the rights of President Rajapaksa is, as many would note, illogical. And if the intention was to ask for a Presidential pardon, then Mr. Silva need not have reminded the public of how the judiciary protected President Rajapaksa’s rights!
But is there some hidden logic to all this, that Mr. Silva does not want to reveal in public? Without asking the judiciary to protect the rights of Mr. Fonseka, why did Mr. Silva ask President Rajapaksa to do so? This appeal seems to imply, rather seriously, that the judiciary is under the absolute control of the President. What Mr. Silva seems to be saying is that he has no faith in the judiciary. This raises a lot of questions, and the judiciary would do well to take serious note of the perception that has been created in the minds of the people, of a deeply politicized judiciary (a problem which is not resolved, but rather exacerbated, by the 18th Amendment).
This also reminds us further that the former CJ’s was an accusation which was so tellingly leveled against the judiciary for many years, especially during the time that Mr. Silva was a dominant or even domineering figure of that important branch of the state. One cannot forget the unfortunate way in which the erosion of judicial independence took place, due to certain actions and decisions of the former CJ Silva. It is unnecessary, and even difficult, to enumerate here the number of accusations that have been leveled against him in this regard. These accusations have been well documented by his critics elsewhere, and even referred to by certain international organizations in numerous reports.
Mr. Silva, having left the judiciary, talks today with a sense of deep conviction about justice and why President Rajapaksa needs to show greater compassion in the handling of the Fonseka issue. But then, one only needs to ask one Anthony Emmanuel Fernando about how his fundamental rights were protected, about how justice was meted out, and the sheer compassion (!) with which he was treated in the Supreme Court and imprisoned, when he appeared before the former CJ some years ago; a case which even shocked the former UN Rapporteur Param Cumaraswamy since one noticed that former CJ was hearing a case in which he was a party!
Mr. Silva, during the course of his recent speech, also refers in a mocking and sarcastic tone to the absolute powers of the President: the power he has to establish a military tribunal and ratify its decisions, apart from the fact of the President also being the Commander-in-Chief. But of course, while appreciating the point made by Mr. Silva, one also should remember that it is this same kind of absolute power which the President had under the Constitution, in the form of Article 107(1) that enabled former President Chandrika Kumaratunga to appoint Mr. Silva to the post of Chief Justice (reportedly acting contrary to the serious concerns raised by eminent lawyers such as the late Mr. H. L. De Silva PC and Mr. R. K.W. Goonesekara). Mr. Silva in particular should have been a bit more mindful when accusing the office of the President or the powers of the President because it was that very office and its powers which elevated him to that high post of ‘Chief Justice’; the image of which he, quite sadly, tarnished due to some of the decisions he made during the course of his tenure.
Conclusion
Revisiting the past is a necessary and useful exercise, but it is not always an enjoyable one. There are lessons to be learned, and one hopes that the present government, as well as the distinguished members of the judiciary would do so, sooner rather than later. In short, be mindful of what Mr. Silva tells us today, for there are many things to learn. But be mindful of what he did, too. For reminding us of all that, of things which some may have forgotten and things which remain unforgettable, we ought to thank Mr. Silva.
(Kalana Senaratne is a postgraduate research student at the Law Faculty, University of Hong Kong; kalanack@gmail.com)
THIS IS BEING RECORDED HERE FOR POSTERITY.HOW JUDICIARY PLAYED GAMES AND NOW IN A QUANDRY)
Are foreign and local plotters setting the stage for a coup in Sri Lanka?
H L D Mahindapala
All eyes continue to be on Sri Lanka, even though the 33-yeard-old Vadukoddai War was concluded one-and-half years ago.
The intensity of the anti-Sri Lankan campaign seems to be increasing and there are no signs of letting up.
Amnesty International (AI) International Crisis Group,(ICG) UN, Human Rights Watch, (HRW) Churches, NGOs, both local and abroad, Sri Lankan expatriates with an axe to grind, western parliamentarians and academics are all in this business of scrutinising Sri Lanka under the microscope.
As pointed out by External Affairs Minister G L Peiris in a brilliant exposition of the current situation at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, these organisations strike collectively at the critical time – invariably on the eve of western nations, or agencies like the IMF, gathering to decide on economic measures (eg GSP+) that could help the Sri Lankan economy.
This ‘economic onslaught’ (G L Peiris) is to influence the Western nations to deny the Sri Lankan economy of the foreign inputs it needs to develop at a rapid rate.
The timing of the concerted actions taken by AI, ICG, HRW makes it apparent that there is a common political agenda behind their collective moves: primarily to use the economic leverage to twist the arm of Sri Lanka to bow down to their terms and conditions dictated by these neo-colonial agencies acting in the name of human rights.
In addition, Norway, too, has joined this bandwagon with another inquiry. Rather late in the day, they want to find out why their peace effort costing NOK 100 million failed.
Norway has outsourced the investigations to two universities — Chr Michelsen’s Institute and UK’s School of Oriental and African Studies.
When all these activities are collated, observers will find it rather difficult to find another democracy like Sri Lanka which is under the microscope of the international busybodies who are obsessed with only one particular issue: giving oxygen to the separatist Tamils who fought a futile war which dragged Tamil children, elders, the sick and the feeble to the lowest depths in their history.
These foreign pressures are also exerted on the presumption that Sri Lanka is incapable of managing its own affairs and only the neo-colonial agencies in NGOs/INGOs have the know-how and the capability to put Sri Lanka back on the path dictated by them.
The irony is that these moralists/investigators – all in the pay roll of one or the other anti-Sri Lankan foreign agencies– ignore the realities that are dominating the political landscape in the post-Prabhakaran age.
Bright future
They deliberately ignore that the negative phase of Sri Lanka is over and that it is now on a flight path heading towards a positive and bright future.
They used to argue that Sri Lanka was a “failed state”.
They are stunned that this “failed state” had beaten “the deadliest terrorists in the world” (FBI, US) and is now speeding into a new era of recovery and progress for all communities.
Their mind-set is reluctant to accept that Prabhakaran is totally out of the political equation and they continue to argue as if nothing has changed since May 18, 2009 when Prabhakaran was found floating in Nanthikadal.
Their operations are aimed at keeping the Prabhakaran cult alive with phantom puppets of would-be Prabhakarans popping up in Provisional Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam which is located somewhere in the airy-fairy no-man’s land.
They refuse to acknowledge the most basic and dynamic factor of restoring democracy (however flawed it may be) by liberating the Jaffna political culture from the fascist grip of Tamil Tiger terror.
The anti-Sri Lankan international agencies work hand in glove with their local counterparts in promoting this cult. Clerics in Churches, Jehan Perera, the high priest of morality on Sri Lankan politics, and Tamil poosaris like ‘Paki’ Saravanamuttu, have deliberately refused to remove their blinkers and take a balanced and fair view of the ground realities that are rapidly moving to restore normalcy through rehabilitation and reconciliation.
Take the case of the Tamil IDPs who were sheltered by the Sri Lankan government when they fled, under withering fire, from the grip of Velupillai Prabhakaran.
UN figures reveal that there are 26 million IDPs living in dire conditions in various conflict zones of the world.
But the unrelenting focus was only on the 300,000 Tamils who found shelter and safety in the camps set up for them by the government.
So how come they focussed only on the Sri Lankan IDPs – and even of that only the Tamils and not the 100,000 IDPs languishing in Puttalam since Prabhakaran ethnically-cleansed Jaffna of Muslims and Sinhalese – and not on the other millions of IDPs? Who picked the Tamil IDPs out of the 26 million and made them the No1 priority in the international agenda? Were these busybodies genuinely concerned about the Tamil IDPs or were they making use of the helpless victims of Tamil Tiger terrorism for their political ends, particularly to blacken the image of Sri Lanka?
Raging issue
Daya Master, who was once the spokesperson for the Tamil Tigers, told BBC that over 200 fleeing Tamil civilians were shot dead by Prabhakaran’s terrorists in the final days of the war.
These Tamil victims of Prabhakaran had no water, food, medicine or shelter when they were forced to run with Prabhakaran.
But the quality and the quantity of these amenities – not the lack of it – became a raging issue only when the Tamil civilians were given refuge by the Sri Lankan government. By any stretch of imagination, the basic amenities and facilities given to the Tamil IDPs were better than anything they had under Prabhakaran’s regime. Or even better than the poor in Colombo slums or the villagers in remote corners of Sri Lanka.
At least the Tamil IDPs had some peace and quiet, not to mention other basic amenities, in the Sri Lankan camps. But it was the Sri Lankan government that came under fire from the so-called guardians of human rights for giving them the facilities which they never had under Prabhakaran.
With the best will in the world and with the best available resources no government could have coped with the avalanche of 300,000 that descended on the shoulders of the Sri Lankan government almost overnight.
When hurricane Katrina hit the south of America, President Bush failed to cope with it and he went out in disgrace.
But the Sri Lankan government provided facilities which were far superior to those IDPs living in comparable circumstances in Pakistan, Sudan or any other part.
They had banks, post offices, TVs, cricket and volley ball teams, schools with specialist teachers flown in from Royal and D S Senanayake colleges to train A Level candidates, Sathosa trading outlets where a day’s collection was around Rs2 million, two hospitals, one run by an Indian specialist team and one by the Sri Lankan government, both providing free medicine etc.
Better conditions
I know it because I visited the Menik Farm just before the editor of The Hindu, N Ram, visited the place.
He said the conditions were far better than the conditions of the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in Indian camps.
Even the Tamil Nadu MPs found to their surprise that the conditions were far different from the horror stories told to them by Tamil propagandists. But these camps were projected as “concentration camps” by the NGOs and foreign agencies.
Predictably, the local NGOs and their counterparts in INGOs reacted negatively to every difficult task confronted by the Sri Lankan government in rehabilitating the Tamil IDPs because they saw in it opportunities to reap some benefits from the misery of the victims of Prabhakaran.
These NGO parasites saw the possibility of filling their dwindling cofferes with dollars if they shed crocodile tears to impress their foreign donors.
The main concern of these NGO opportunists was not so much to improve the conditions of the IDPs but to improve their expensive lifestyle by selling sob stories about the IDPs. Make no mistake, ‘Paki’ Saravanamuttu and Jehan Perera are two NGO hirelings singing basically for their supper and not for the rice and curry of the Tamil IDPs which is incidental. They know that their bread will be buttered only if they paint Sri Lanka in the darkest of colours.
Denigration of Sri Lanka cuts both ways. First, their bad reports help the EU to cut GSP+ and US and UK to interfere in the domestic affairs of the nation. Second, the more they feed the foreign powers with anti-Sri Lankan propaganda the better the chances of increasing their foreign funding. They want to keep Sri Lanka down for them to thrive on the misery of the people. If, on the other hand, the conditions improve in Sri Lanka their chances of raking in money from foreign donors. So they keep on cranking their propaganda machines to project Sri Lanka as the latest hell-hole — they no longer call it “the failed state” — that needs foreign intervention.
Going along with them is Ranil Wickremesinghe, the man who is ever ready to sell Sri Lanka to the foreigners in the hope of mobilising them to rescue him.
Like ‘Paki’ Saravanamuttu he goes from one Western capital to another running down Sri Lanka and urging the Western powers to put pressure on the Rajapaksa regime to make things easy for him to capture power.
Lucid analysis
In a lucid and incisive analysis of Wickremesinghe’s conduct abroad, Minister G L Peiris ripped him apart speaking on the no-confidence motion raised in parliament, pointing out instances where Wickremesinghe had criticised Sri Lanka to foreign audiences with the objective of instigating foreign interventions in the domestic affairs of the nation.
This kind of conduct may impress his latest young ‘catcher’, Sagala Ratnaike, who accompanies him like his lapdog wherever he goes. But it has not cut any ice with the people of Sri Lanka who continue to reject him as their leader.
Wickremesinghe’s role abroad is open to suspicion, more so because he is a frequent traveller to the West and India – two of the important foreign bases for Sri Lanka. What is he up to? What has he achieved so far with his frequent flights to these countries?
UNPers say that if he had spent half the time he had spent abroad at home the UNP has a chance –even though remote — of mending fences with the fragmented forces within the party. Of course, of late there is a need for him run away from home because his own party members are chasing him out of meetings. He gets a better reception abroad than at home.
Nevertheless, what has he got to tell UK and Norway –his current travel destinations—that he can’t tell the people of Sri Lanka? He is forever crying that there is no transparency in the government. How about the Leader of the Opposition setting the example and telling the nation the obscenities he whispers in the ears of William Hague, the UK Foreign Minister, and Erik Solheim, the other miserable failure in handling the national crisis? Wickremesinghe was caught red-handed when he told the US Congress investigators that US should put pressure on the Sri Lankan government. It is there in black and white in the Congressional records. Minister Peiris also cited the text in his attack on Wickremesinghe in Parliament.
What is most noteworthy is that Wickremesinghe has never reported back to the people, or his party, the details of the discussions he has had with the foreign governments.
The local media too has let him off the hook by not raising this issue with him.
These are not private trips. He goes on official missions as the Leader of the Opposition to meet foreign dignitaries who are in influential positions to impact positively or negatively on Sri Lanka.
This is not like his trip to Singapore to have breakfast with Capt Charles Gnanakone, the LTTE shipping agent.
The public has a right to know what steps he has taken abroad to help Sri Lanka.
He also has a duty to tell the nation what gains he had notched up to serve the nation.
‘Underhand dealings’
He returns home from his frequent flights abroad without uttering a word about it obviously because he can’t reveal his underhand dealings abroad to undermine the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the nation.
It is hard to find another leader of the opposition in any other part of the world running abroad so frequently to meet foreign officials.
Of course, he loves to go abroad and send pictures of him posing with foreign leaders to newspapers back home.
The latest is his picture of chatting to William Hague.
Well, having sent the picture to local newspapers will he tell the public, without being vague, what he discussed with Hague? He won’t. Why? Because he has been playing his usual game of ‘kuth-thu-fying’, running down the nation behind the nation’s back.
There is no doubt that his ultimate ambition is to oust President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
His future depends on the successes he gains either in weakening or ousting Mahinda Rajapaksa.
He is even capable of plotting or joining a coup against the Rajapaksa regime. Wickremesinghe is now on the path of taking the first step needed to legitimise a coup in the eyes of the world.
His current political objective of painting Sri Lanka as a nation heading towards a dictatorship can justify a right-wing coup, if the right-wing is willing to risk it.
It is in pursuit of this objective that he repeats the constant theme of saving the nation from ‘a Rajapaksa dictatorship’.
He is presenting himself as the democratic alternative though his own party is rebelling against him as the dictator who has ruled the party for 16 years with an iron fist refusing to democratise his own party.
Besides, he knows that he can’t win through the front door so he is trying the backdoor – his only favourite game!
There are enough disgruntled ex-Army men waiting in the wings to exploit any situation for their own ends.
Remember how Cyril Ranatunga and Hamilton Wanasinghe, two former Army Commanders, jumped on the stage of the Gen. Sarath Fonseka to rally the ex-army forces behind him? Fonseka is the first army commander who took to politics challenging his Commander-in-Chief.
And, not surprisingly, the government too discovered preparations made by the military agents allied to Fonseka to take command of the nation after the elections.
Key ally
Wickremesinghe too was a key ally of Fonseka in the last presidential campaign, knowing that Fonseka’s victory would end in a militarised state.
If Wickremesinghe’s candidate won, the nation would have inevitably fallen into the hands of the fascist JVPers and the military cabal allied to Fonseka. Mercifully, the people saved the nation from the perilous dictatorship of a Sinhala Prabhakaran.
It is also necessary to remind that the first major right-wing coup, linked to the UNP, came from Royce de Mel, the Navy Commander and Maurice de Mel, his brother, who was No2 in the Army. Furthermore, the jailing of Fonseka is a sensitive and emotive issue that can provoke a military backlash from quarters hoping to reap benefits from a Fonseka-Wickremesinghe combination.
Under these circumstances, there are plenty of Ranatungas and Wanasinghes (not to mention Royce and Maurice de Mels) waiting for an opportunity to strike.
Wickremesinghe wouldn’t be averse to a military coup if it would bring him into power.
He would have to rely on the Security Forces (eg Fonseka) and the Western powers to stay in power.
The Western powers wouldn’t mind turning a blind eye to sabotaging and perverting democracy as long as they could bring Sri Lanka back into their fold as a client state with Wickremesinghe as their willing stooge.
A coup at this stage may seem far-fetched. But Sri Lanka has always been a land of surprises. A coup is also not that impossible.
Right now, Wickremesinghe and his cronies are whipping up a scare-mongering campaign, both at home and broad, to justify a putsch, if they can. They will exploit every single issue that comes their way to overthrow President Mahinda Rajapaksa, even a coup if it is possible.
This casts a huge responsibility on the shoulders of Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. He was the eyes, ears and the brain of the nation coordinating the biggest war faced by the nation in living memory. He can’t afford to rest on his laurels. Not now. Now he has to keep his senses open wider to protect the nation from the enemy within.
(H.L.D.MAHINDAPALA -DON MAHINDAPALA IN AUSTRALIA-IS ONE OF THE DIRTIEST JOURNALISTS PRODUCED BY SRI LANKA.HIS EDITORIALS IN THE LAKE HOUSE DURING PREMADASA TIME , FOREVER,MAKES US ASHAMED- FORMER LAKE HOUSE JOURNALIST)
All eyes continue to be on Sri Lanka, even though the 33-yeard-old Vadukoddai War was concluded one-and-half years ago.
The intensity of the anti-Sri Lankan campaign seems to be increasing and there are no signs of letting up.
Amnesty International (AI) International Crisis Group,(ICG) UN, Human Rights Watch, (HRW) Churches, NGOs, both local and abroad, Sri Lankan expatriates with an axe to grind, western parliamentarians and academics are all in this business of scrutinising Sri Lanka under the microscope.
As pointed out by External Affairs Minister G L Peiris in a brilliant exposition of the current situation at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, these organisations strike collectively at the critical time – invariably on the eve of western nations, or agencies like the IMF, gathering to decide on economic measures (eg GSP+) that could help the Sri Lankan economy.
This ‘economic onslaught’ (G L Peiris) is to influence the Western nations to deny the Sri Lankan economy of the foreign inputs it needs to develop at a rapid rate.
The timing of the concerted actions taken by AI, ICG, HRW makes it apparent that there is a common political agenda behind their collective moves: primarily to use the economic leverage to twist the arm of Sri Lanka to bow down to their terms and conditions dictated by these neo-colonial agencies acting in the name of human rights.
In addition, Norway, too, has joined this bandwagon with another inquiry. Rather late in the day, they want to find out why their peace effort costing NOK 100 million failed.
Norway has outsourced the investigations to two universities — Chr Michelsen’s Institute and UK’s School of Oriental and African Studies.
When all these activities are collated, observers will find it rather difficult to find another democracy like Sri Lanka which is under the microscope of the international busybodies who are obsessed with only one particular issue: giving oxygen to the separatist Tamils who fought a futile war which dragged Tamil children, elders, the sick and the feeble to the lowest depths in their history.
These foreign pressures are also exerted on the presumption that Sri Lanka is incapable of managing its own affairs and only the neo-colonial agencies in NGOs/INGOs have the know-how and the capability to put Sri Lanka back on the path dictated by them.
The irony is that these moralists/investigators – all in the pay roll of one or the other anti-Sri Lankan foreign agencies– ignore the realities that are dominating the political landscape in the post-Prabhakaran age.
Bright future
They deliberately ignore that the negative phase of Sri Lanka is over and that it is now on a flight path heading towards a positive and bright future.
They used to argue that Sri Lanka was a “failed state”.
They are stunned that this “failed state” had beaten “the deadliest terrorists in the world” (FBI, US) and is now speeding into a new era of recovery and progress for all communities.
Their mind-set is reluctant to accept that Prabhakaran is totally out of the political equation and they continue to argue as if nothing has changed since May 18, 2009 when Prabhakaran was found floating in Nanthikadal.
Their operations are aimed at keeping the Prabhakaran cult alive with phantom puppets of would-be Prabhakarans popping up in Provisional Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam which is located somewhere in the airy-fairy no-man’s land.
They refuse to acknowledge the most basic and dynamic factor of restoring democracy (however flawed it may be) by liberating the Jaffna political culture from the fascist grip of Tamil Tiger terror.
The anti-Sri Lankan international agencies work hand in glove with their local counterparts in promoting this cult. Clerics in Churches, Jehan Perera, the high priest of morality on Sri Lankan politics, and Tamil poosaris like ‘Paki’ Saravanamuttu, have deliberately refused to remove their blinkers and take a balanced and fair view of the ground realities that are rapidly moving to restore normalcy through rehabilitation and reconciliation.
Take the case of the Tamil IDPs who were sheltered by the Sri Lankan government when they fled, under withering fire, from the grip of Velupillai Prabhakaran.
UN figures reveal that there are 26 million IDPs living in dire conditions in various conflict zones of the world.
But the unrelenting focus was only on the 300,000 Tamils who found shelter and safety in the camps set up for them by the government.
So how come they focussed only on the Sri Lankan IDPs – and even of that only the Tamils and not the 100,000 IDPs languishing in Puttalam since Prabhakaran ethnically-cleansed Jaffna of Muslims and Sinhalese – and not on the other millions of IDPs? Who picked the Tamil IDPs out of the 26 million and made them the No1 priority in the international agenda? Were these busybodies genuinely concerned about the Tamil IDPs or were they making use of the helpless victims of Tamil Tiger terrorism for their political ends, particularly to blacken the image of Sri Lanka?
Raging issue
Daya Master, who was once the spokesperson for the Tamil Tigers, told BBC that over 200 fleeing Tamil civilians were shot dead by Prabhakaran’s terrorists in the final days of the war.
These Tamil victims of Prabhakaran had no water, food, medicine or shelter when they were forced to run with Prabhakaran.
But the quality and the quantity of these amenities – not the lack of it – became a raging issue only when the Tamil civilians were given refuge by the Sri Lankan government. By any stretch of imagination, the basic amenities and facilities given to the Tamil IDPs were better than anything they had under Prabhakaran’s regime. Or even better than the poor in Colombo slums or the villagers in remote corners of Sri Lanka.
At least the Tamil IDPs had some peace and quiet, not to mention other basic amenities, in the Sri Lankan camps. But it was the Sri Lankan government that came under fire from the so-called guardians of human rights for giving them the facilities which they never had under Prabhakaran.
With the best will in the world and with the best available resources no government could have coped with the avalanche of 300,000 that descended on the shoulders of the Sri Lankan government almost overnight.
When hurricane Katrina hit the south of America, President Bush failed to cope with it and he went out in disgrace.
But the Sri Lankan government provided facilities which were far superior to those IDPs living in comparable circumstances in Pakistan, Sudan or any other part.
They had banks, post offices, TVs, cricket and volley ball teams, schools with specialist teachers flown in from Royal and D S Senanayake colleges to train A Level candidates, Sathosa trading outlets where a day’s collection was around Rs2 million, two hospitals, one run by an Indian specialist team and one by the Sri Lankan government, both providing free medicine etc.
Better conditions
I know it because I visited the Menik Farm just before the editor of The Hindu, N Ram, visited the place.
He said the conditions were far better than the conditions of the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in Indian camps.
Even the Tamil Nadu MPs found to their surprise that the conditions were far different from the horror stories told to them by Tamil propagandists. But these camps were projected as “concentration camps” by the NGOs and foreign agencies.
Predictably, the local NGOs and their counterparts in INGOs reacted negatively to every difficult task confronted by the Sri Lankan government in rehabilitating the Tamil IDPs because they saw in it opportunities to reap some benefits from the misery of the victims of Prabhakaran.
These NGO parasites saw the possibility of filling their dwindling cofferes with dollars if they shed crocodile tears to impress their foreign donors.
The main concern of these NGO opportunists was not so much to improve the conditions of the IDPs but to improve their expensive lifestyle by selling sob stories about the IDPs. Make no mistake, ‘Paki’ Saravanamuttu and Jehan Perera are two NGO hirelings singing basically for their supper and not for the rice and curry of the Tamil IDPs which is incidental. They know that their bread will be buttered only if they paint Sri Lanka in the darkest of colours.
Denigration of Sri Lanka cuts both ways. First, their bad reports help the EU to cut GSP+ and US and UK to interfere in the domestic affairs of the nation. Second, the more they feed the foreign powers with anti-Sri Lankan propaganda the better the chances of increasing their foreign funding. They want to keep Sri Lanka down for them to thrive on the misery of the people. If, on the other hand, the conditions improve in Sri Lanka their chances of raking in money from foreign donors. So they keep on cranking their propaganda machines to project Sri Lanka as the latest hell-hole — they no longer call it “the failed state” — that needs foreign intervention.
Going along with them is Ranil Wickremesinghe, the man who is ever ready to sell Sri Lanka to the foreigners in the hope of mobilising them to rescue him.
Like ‘Paki’ Saravanamuttu he goes from one Western capital to another running down Sri Lanka and urging the Western powers to put pressure on the Rajapaksa regime to make things easy for him to capture power.
Lucid analysis
In a lucid and incisive analysis of Wickremesinghe’s conduct abroad, Minister G L Peiris ripped him apart speaking on the no-confidence motion raised in parliament, pointing out instances where Wickremesinghe had criticised Sri Lanka to foreign audiences with the objective of instigating foreign interventions in the domestic affairs of the nation.
This kind of conduct may impress his latest young ‘catcher’, Sagala Ratnaike, who accompanies him like his lapdog wherever he goes. But it has not cut any ice with the people of Sri Lanka who continue to reject him as their leader.
Wickremesinghe’s role abroad is open to suspicion, more so because he is a frequent traveller to the West and India – two of the important foreign bases for Sri Lanka. What is he up to? What has he achieved so far with his frequent flights to these countries?
UNPers say that if he had spent half the time he had spent abroad at home the UNP has a chance –even though remote — of mending fences with the fragmented forces within the party. Of course, of late there is a need for him run away from home because his own party members are chasing him out of meetings. He gets a better reception abroad than at home.
Nevertheless, what has he got to tell UK and Norway –his current travel destinations—that he can’t tell the people of Sri Lanka? He is forever crying that there is no transparency in the government. How about the Leader of the Opposition setting the example and telling the nation the obscenities he whispers in the ears of William Hague, the UK Foreign Minister, and Erik Solheim, the other miserable failure in handling the national crisis? Wickremesinghe was caught red-handed when he told the US Congress investigators that US should put pressure on the Sri Lankan government. It is there in black and white in the Congressional records. Minister Peiris also cited the text in his attack on Wickremesinghe in Parliament.
What is most noteworthy is that Wickremesinghe has never reported back to the people, or his party, the details of the discussions he has had with the foreign governments.
The local media too has let him off the hook by not raising this issue with him.
These are not private trips. He goes on official missions as the Leader of the Opposition to meet foreign dignitaries who are in influential positions to impact positively or negatively on Sri Lanka.
This is not like his trip to Singapore to have breakfast with Capt Charles Gnanakone, the LTTE shipping agent.
The public has a right to know what steps he has taken abroad to help Sri Lanka.
He also has a duty to tell the nation what gains he had notched up to serve the nation.
‘Underhand dealings’
He returns home from his frequent flights abroad without uttering a word about it obviously because he can’t reveal his underhand dealings abroad to undermine the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the nation.
It is hard to find another leader of the opposition in any other part of the world running abroad so frequently to meet foreign officials.
Of course, he loves to go abroad and send pictures of him posing with foreign leaders to newspapers back home.
The latest is his picture of chatting to William Hague.
Well, having sent the picture to local newspapers will he tell the public, without being vague, what he discussed with Hague? He won’t. Why? Because he has been playing his usual game of ‘kuth-thu-fying’, running down the nation behind the nation’s back.
There is no doubt that his ultimate ambition is to oust President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
His future depends on the successes he gains either in weakening or ousting Mahinda Rajapaksa.
He is even capable of plotting or joining a coup against the Rajapaksa regime. Wickremesinghe is now on the path of taking the first step needed to legitimise a coup in the eyes of the world.
His current political objective of painting Sri Lanka as a nation heading towards a dictatorship can justify a right-wing coup, if the right-wing is willing to risk it.
It is in pursuit of this objective that he repeats the constant theme of saving the nation from ‘a Rajapaksa dictatorship’.
He is presenting himself as the democratic alternative though his own party is rebelling against him as the dictator who has ruled the party for 16 years with an iron fist refusing to democratise his own party.
Besides, he knows that he can’t win through the front door so he is trying the backdoor – his only favourite game!
There are enough disgruntled ex-Army men waiting in the wings to exploit any situation for their own ends.
Remember how Cyril Ranatunga and Hamilton Wanasinghe, two former Army Commanders, jumped on the stage of the Gen. Sarath Fonseka to rally the ex-army forces behind him? Fonseka is the first army commander who took to politics challenging his Commander-in-Chief.
And, not surprisingly, the government too discovered preparations made by the military agents allied to Fonseka to take command of the nation after the elections.
Key ally
Wickremesinghe too was a key ally of Fonseka in the last presidential campaign, knowing that Fonseka’s victory would end in a militarised state.
If Wickremesinghe’s candidate won, the nation would have inevitably fallen into the hands of the fascist JVPers and the military cabal allied to Fonseka. Mercifully, the people saved the nation from the perilous dictatorship of a Sinhala Prabhakaran.
It is also necessary to remind that the first major right-wing coup, linked to the UNP, came from Royce de Mel, the Navy Commander and Maurice de Mel, his brother, who was No2 in the Army. Furthermore, the jailing of Fonseka is a sensitive and emotive issue that can provoke a military backlash from quarters hoping to reap benefits from a Fonseka-Wickremesinghe combination.
Under these circumstances, there are plenty of Ranatungas and Wanasinghes (not to mention Royce and Maurice de Mels) waiting for an opportunity to strike.
Wickremesinghe wouldn’t be averse to a military coup if it would bring him into power.
He would have to rely on the Security Forces (eg Fonseka) and the Western powers to stay in power.
The Western powers wouldn’t mind turning a blind eye to sabotaging and perverting democracy as long as they could bring Sri Lanka back into their fold as a client state with Wickremesinghe as their willing stooge.
A coup at this stage may seem far-fetched. But Sri Lanka has always been a land of surprises. A coup is also not that impossible.
Right now, Wickremesinghe and his cronies are whipping up a scare-mongering campaign, both at home and broad, to justify a putsch, if they can. They will exploit every single issue that comes their way to overthrow President Mahinda Rajapaksa, even a coup if it is possible.
This casts a huge responsibility on the shoulders of Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. He was the eyes, ears and the brain of the nation coordinating the biggest war faced by the nation in living memory. He can’t afford to rest on his laurels. Not now. Now he has to keep his senses open wider to protect the nation from the enemy within.
(H.L.D.MAHINDAPALA -DON MAHINDAPALA IN AUSTRALIA-IS ONE OF THE DIRTIEST JOURNALISTS PRODUCED BY SRI LANKA.HIS EDITORIALS IN THE LAKE HOUSE DURING PREMADASA TIME , FOREVER,MAKES US ASHAMED- FORMER LAKE HOUSE JOURNALIST)
Denmark Tamils take legal step to file war-crimes charges
Bjørn Elmquist, a Danish attorney specializing in criminal law on crimes against humanity has written to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Hague Netherlands to bring war crimes charges against Sri Lankan officials alleged to have committed war-crimes against Tamils in the NorthEast of Sri Lanka. The legal effort is being initiated by three Danish Tamils and the Denmark Tamil Forum. The DTF officials told TamilNet that the Danish legal effort is being closely co-ordinated with the recent legal action undertaken by Swiss Council of Eelam Tamils (SCET).
Danish TV: Actvists Rights Walk
The petition was filed following a Human Rights walk lasting more than a week by Danish Tamils, Manoharan Manoranjithan, Maheswaran Ponnampalam, Pratheepan Thambyaiyah, who started in front of Korning Council on 14th October, and completed the walk in front Copenhagen Administrative building on the 23rd October.
Attorney Elmquist and European Member of Parliament Søren Søndergaard, who met the Tamils assembled in Copenhagen to greet the three Rights campaigners, said the more than 11 European countries that obtained financial benefits by supplying arms to the Colombo Government also share a blame in the 2009 massacre of Tamil civilians, and these countries should pressure European Union to carve out a separate state for Tamils.
Attorney Elmquist added that he has assembled the evidentiary material to take the case against alleged perpertrators of war-crimes. "The ICC charges, once filed, will limit travel by alleged perpetrators to countries that are signotories to the Rome treaty that governs the ICC," Elmquist told the audience.
A spokesperson from Tamils Against Genocide (TAG), a US-based activist organization supporting legal efforts, said "Attempting to file legal action against Sri Lanka's alleged war-criminals in all available judicial forums across the world is a prudent and practical step to find justice to the NorthEast Tamils. While there will likely be setbacks, the training and experience gained in understanding the criminal procedures and nuances of different legal systems and engaging with local attorneys will help the current and growing generation of Tamils to make progress towards ultimately bringing the killers of 40,000 Tamils to justice."
111 out of the 195 countries are signatories to Rome Statute. Only 7 countries in the Asian continent, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Mongolia, the Republic of Korea and Timor‐Leste and Japan, have ratified the Rome Statute.
India, China, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have not ratified the Rome Statute.
Danish TV: Actvists Rights Walk
The petition was filed following a Human Rights walk lasting more than a week by Danish Tamils, Manoharan Manoranjithan, Maheswaran Ponnampalam, Pratheepan Thambyaiyah, who started in front of Korning Council on 14th October, and completed the walk in front Copenhagen Administrative building on the 23rd October.
Attorney Elmquist and European Member of Parliament Søren Søndergaard, who met the Tamils assembled in Copenhagen to greet the three Rights campaigners, said the more than 11 European countries that obtained financial benefits by supplying arms to the Colombo Government also share a blame in the 2009 massacre of Tamil civilians, and these countries should pressure European Union to carve out a separate state for Tamils.
Attorney Elmquist added that he has assembled the evidentiary material to take the case against alleged perpertrators of war-crimes. "The ICC charges, once filed, will limit travel by alleged perpetrators to countries that are signotories to the Rome treaty that governs the ICC," Elmquist told the audience.
A spokesperson from Tamils Against Genocide (TAG), a US-based activist organization supporting legal efforts, said "Attempting to file legal action against Sri Lanka's alleged war-criminals in all available judicial forums across the world is a prudent and practical step to find justice to the NorthEast Tamils. While there will likely be setbacks, the training and experience gained in understanding the criminal procedures and nuances of different legal systems and engaging with local attorneys will help the current and growing generation of Tamils to make progress towards ultimately bringing the killers of 40,000 Tamils to justice."
111 out of the 195 countries are signatories to Rome Statute. Only 7 countries in the Asian continent, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Mongolia, the Republic of Korea and Timor‐Leste and Japan, have ratified the Rome Statute.
India, China, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have not ratified the Rome Statute.
Tourists not allowed to visit Jaffna Public Library
Sri Lanka Army (SLA) soldiers posted at the entrance of Jaffna Public Library did not allow any of the tourists who wished to visit the library Saturday, sources in Jaffna said. SLA officials had informed the Chief Librarian of Jaffna Public Library that tourists will not be permitted to visit the library according to instruction issued by government authorities. This instruction had come in the wake of a gang of Sinhala tourists storming into the library and vandalizing the premises of the Thanthai Chelva memorial monument located next to the library last on 22 October. SLA authorities had posted four soldiers at the entrance of the library Friday to guard the library along with the guards of Jaffna Municipal Council Administration.
The tourists from Southern parts of Sri Lanka as well as the students who had come from Vavuniyaa and Mannaar on educational tour were not allowed to enter the library.
Sri Lanka Minister Douglas Devananda had suggested a system of allowing tourists to visit the library in groups of ten persons at a time so as to please the Sinhala tourists from the South, in a meeting he had convened Saturday.
The sudden decision of the government taken on this issue had come as a surprise to Douglas Devanda who had suggested the above system, sources in Jaffna said.
The tourists from Southern parts of Sri Lanka as well as the students who had come from Vavuniyaa and Mannaar on educational tour were not allowed to enter the library.
Sri Lanka Minister Douglas Devananda had suggested a system of allowing tourists to visit the library in groups of ten persons at a time so as to please the Sinhala tourists from the South, in a meeting he had convened Saturday.
The sudden decision of the government taken on this issue had come as a surprise to Douglas Devanda who had suggested the above system, sources in Jaffna said.
Mavai Senathirajah refutes Jaffna GA’s statement on Valikaamam HSZ issue
I am one of the victims uprooted from the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) High Security Zone 20 years ago and the petition filed by me in court seeking resettlement is pending inquiry. It is ridiculous for Jaffna Government Agent Ms. Imelda Sukumar to claim that there are no HSZs in Jaffna peninsula,” Mavai Senathirajah, Tamil Natilonal Alliance (TNA) Jaffna district parliamentarian said. Ms. Imelda Sukumar, speaking at the event of the handing over of furniture by SLA to Jaffna Teaching Hospital Saturday had claimed that there were no HSZs in Jaffna peninsula but only areas which need to be cleared of landmines.
Meanwhile, the uprooted families from Valikaamam North, languishing in camps and with relatives and friends as refugees for the past 20 years, and their Welfare Organizations are angered over Imelda Sukumar’s statement Saturday. They said that she is trying to keep her post by giving in to government pressure.
Ms. Imelda Sukumar had also told the EC parliamentarians who visited Jaffna recently that there were no HSZs in Jaffna peninsula and only the areas infested with landmines are not allowed for resettlement until the mines are removed.
She accused the local media for misreporting on the resettlement in the HSZs, speaking at the Saturday event.
Mavai Senathirajah also pointed out that the committee appointed by Colombo Supreme Court in July 2008 to explore resettlement in Vallikaamam North continues function and Imelda Sukumar cannot deny the existence of HSZs in the peninsula.
Colombo Supreme Court had appointed the above committee after inquiring into the Fundamental Rights Violation petition filed by the uprooted families seeking permission to resettle in their villages in Valikaamam north and to engage in their livelihoods.
Meanwhile, the uprooted families from Valikaamam North, languishing in camps and with relatives and friends as refugees for the past 20 years, and their Welfare Organizations are angered over Imelda Sukumar’s statement Saturday. They said that she is trying to keep her post by giving in to government pressure.
Ms. Imelda Sukumar had also told the EC parliamentarians who visited Jaffna recently that there were no HSZs in Jaffna peninsula and only the areas infested with landmines are not allowed for resettlement until the mines are removed.
She accused the local media for misreporting on the resettlement in the HSZs, speaking at the Saturday event.
Mavai Senathirajah also pointed out that the committee appointed by Colombo Supreme Court in July 2008 to explore resettlement in Vallikaamam North continues function and Imelda Sukumar cannot deny the existence of HSZs in the peninsula.
Colombo Supreme Court had appointed the above committee after inquiring into the Fundamental Rights Violation petition filed by the uprooted families seeking permission to resettle in their villages in Valikaamam north and to engage in their livelihoods.
Eelam war damaged India’s reputation: Penang Deputy Chief Minister
Manmohan Singh’s Visit to Malaysia—A Disaster!
Prof. P. RamasamyManmohan Singh’s recent visit to Malaysia to officiate the inauguration of a small enclave in the city of Kuala Lumpur as “Little India” did not go well with Tamils in the country. Despite all tight security precautions taken by the Malaysian government, more than 300 persons who were able to breach the security cordon to show their displeasure towards Manmohan Singh. In fact, even before the visit, smses went around urging the predominantly Tamil population to boycott the event and hold demonstrations wearing black to oppose the way India dealt with the Tamil question in Sri Lanka.
It has come to our understanding that hundreds of Tamils sympathetic to the Malaysian Indian Congress were brought by buses from other areas in Malaysia to attend the ceremony. These Tamils who came were not in aware that they were brought in to welcome Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The Indian Embassy and other agents of India conducted public relations exercises well before the event to control the damage.
In short, Manmohan Singh’s trip to Malaysia to boost the image of the ruling coalition was a disaster. India does not understand that the pernicious actions of India in Eelam have damaged the reputation of the government of India and the entire Indian establishment in the eyes of global Tamils. Tamils in Malaysia will never forgive the mass murder unleashed by the Sri Lankan government aided and abetted by the government India against innocent Tamils in the north of the island.
Before the mass murder in Eelam, Malaysian Tamils looked upon India as their saviour. Today, there is little or no respect for India in general and for the politicians in Tamil Nadu or in the Congress Party. The perpetuation of Gandhi dynasty has caused untold sufferings to Tamils not only in Tamil Nadu but also in Eelam. The Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu Karunanthi has emerged as chief villain. His reputation in the eyes of global Tamils has plummeted drastically.
Unfortunately, there are sections of Tamils aligned with the ruling party that do not really understand the terrible plight of Tamils in Eelam. On the basis of some bread crumbs thrown to them by Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, they have rallied around the present government. These are the Tamils who do not really understand their sad predicament in the country.
When asked by reporters, Manmohan Singh remarked that discrimination of Indians (Tamils) in Malaysia is merely a perception. Since Malaysia has a flexible and dynamic government, problems of Indians can be resolved within the system without outside interference. If India did not take any actions to stop the killings of thousands of Tamils in Eelam, how can Malaysian Tamils expect India to resolve their woes.
But unfortunately, there are leaders of political parties who go around begging India for financial aid and scholarships for Tamils. Recently, one unregistered political party that purportedly champions the Indians, sought to have a meeting with the Indian Prime Minister, however, without success. If Tamils continue to beg India and the present Malaysian government, will the community ever advance in future?
Malaysia’s present ruling coalition headed by the racist UMNO (United Malays National Organization) might think that by inviting Manmohan Singh that it will get the votes of Indian in the coming general elections. This is a wrong perception! Indians in the country are quite aware of their years of marginalization and discrimination contributed by UMNO. They know that racism practised and entrenched in the country by UMNO is the real cause of their underdevelopment.
Prof. P. RamasamyManmohan Singh’s recent visit to Malaysia to officiate the inauguration of a small enclave in the city of Kuala Lumpur as “Little India” did not go well with Tamils in the country. Despite all tight security precautions taken by the Malaysian government, more than 300 persons who were able to breach the security cordon to show their displeasure towards Manmohan Singh. In fact, even before the visit, smses went around urging the predominantly Tamil population to boycott the event and hold demonstrations wearing black to oppose the way India dealt with the Tamil question in Sri Lanka.
It has come to our understanding that hundreds of Tamils sympathetic to the Malaysian Indian Congress were brought by buses from other areas in Malaysia to attend the ceremony. These Tamils who came were not in aware that they were brought in to welcome Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The Indian Embassy and other agents of India conducted public relations exercises well before the event to control the damage.
In short, Manmohan Singh’s trip to Malaysia to boost the image of the ruling coalition was a disaster. India does not understand that the pernicious actions of India in Eelam have damaged the reputation of the government of India and the entire Indian establishment in the eyes of global Tamils. Tamils in Malaysia will never forgive the mass murder unleashed by the Sri Lankan government aided and abetted by the government India against innocent Tamils in the north of the island.
Before the mass murder in Eelam, Malaysian Tamils looked upon India as their saviour. Today, there is little or no respect for India in general and for the politicians in Tamil Nadu or in the Congress Party. The perpetuation of Gandhi dynasty has caused untold sufferings to Tamils not only in Tamil Nadu but also in Eelam. The Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu Karunanthi has emerged as chief villain. His reputation in the eyes of global Tamils has plummeted drastically.
Unfortunately, there are sections of Tamils aligned with the ruling party that do not really understand the terrible plight of Tamils in Eelam. On the basis of some bread crumbs thrown to them by Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, they have rallied around the present government. These are the Tamils who do not really understand their sad predicament in the country.
When asked by reporters, Manmohan Singh remarked that discrimination of Indians (Tamils) in Malaysia is merely a perception. Since Malaysia has a flexible and dynamic government, problems of Indians can be resolved within the system without outside interference. If India did not take any actions to stop the killings of thousands of Tamils in Eelam, how can Malaysian Tamils expect India to resolve their woes.
But unfortunately, there are leaders of political parties who go around begging India for financial aid and scholarships for Tamils. Recently, one unregistered political party that purportedly champions the Indians, sought to have a meeting with the Indian Prime Minister, however, without success. If Tamils continue to beg India and the present Malaysian government, will the community ever advance in future?
Malaysia’s present ruling coalition headed by the racist UMNO (United Malays National Organization) might think that by inviting Manmohan Singh that it will get the votes of Indian in the coming general elections. This is a wrong perception! Indians in the country are quite aware of their years of marginalization and discrimination contributed by UMNO. They know that racism practised and entrenched in the country by UMNO is the real cause of their underdevelopment.
Friday, October 29, 2010
Dr. Nalin Kumar de Silva knows every thing in the World except his date of Birt
It seems that, as per the number of paper columns written by Dr. Nalin Kumar de Silva, no other learned person living in Sri Lanka other than himself and Dr Gunadasa Amerasekara. As per his CV (as appeared in www.kln.ac.lk ) he clams from Cosmology to Epistemology including Philosophy of Science, Buddhist Philosophy and History as his research interest. Most of his writings he use to condemn almost all university academics as well as other learned people all over the world stating that they are pro westerners and promote Jews thinking. We respect his right to have his own thinking.
Having obtained a 1st Class in Mathamatics in March 1968 Nalin joined the University of Peradeniya as an Assistant Lecturer.
He obtained his Doctorate from the University of Sussex and he
resigned from his position in 1975. Since then he involved in active politics as a member of the Lanka Samasamaja Party. In 1979 Dr Nalin was again appointed to the University of Colombo as a Lecturer and subsequently he was promoted as a Senior Lecturer.. However during the period he worked in the University of Colombo he was in progress to have his own thinking . Accordingly he published his “uf.a f,dalh”. Prior to 1989 he maintained cordial relationship with the JVP movement as a result he condemned the student group led by Daya Pathirana and Dharmasiri,( both were killed by unknown gunmen in 88/89) In 1992 Professor G.L. Peiris in his capacity as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo placed Dr. Nalin under interdiction and having conducted an inquiry on a charge sheet issued by the University under the then Vice Chancellor Prof. W. D. Lakshman Dr. Nalins `s services were terminated and as result he had to continue litigation with the University until December 2009. Having litigation for 18 years in December 2009 he agreed to have only Rs, 500.000.00 as compensation.
It is to be noted that the UNP Government came in to power in 2002 on a request made by Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe the University of Kelaniya gave him a fresh appointment as a Senior Lecturer effective from 1st January 2003. Subsequently he was promoted as a Professor and he continued the same until he retire from the University...
It is also to be noted that only the University academics except the Judges of the Supreme Court are permitted to work until they reach the age of 65. Furthermore in terms of provisions made in Section 73 of the Universities Act “the holder of a post of teacher…. shall continue in that post until he has completed his sixty fifth year or if he completes his sixty fifth year in the course of an academic year , until the last day of such academic year, and shall thereafter se deemed to have retired from service”.
Born on 20th October 1944 Dr. Nalin`s mandatory retirement date was 30th September 2010. As he was the Dean of the Faculty of Science which is an administrative position he had the legal right to continue as a teacher up the end of the academic yearie 30th September 2009 but not as the Dean of the Faculty. In contravention to the said legal provisions Professor Nalin continue as the Dean of the Faculty of Science.
It is interesting to note that on a request made by the University through the UGC the Cabinet of Ministers had permitted Dr. Nalin to work for the University on an assignment basis. However no approval had been given by the Cabinet of Minister to allow Dr Nalin to continue as a professor or as the Dean of a Faculty. However Dr. Nalin is still continue as the Dean of the Faculty Science contrary the aforesaid provisions of the Universities Act No 16 of 1978.
Having obtained a 1st Class in Mathamatics in March 1968 Nalin joined the University of Peradeniya as an Assistant Lecturer.
He obtained his Doctorate from the University of Sussex and he
resigned from his position in 1975. Since then he involved in active politics as a member of the Lanka Samasamaja Party. In 1979 Dr Nalin was again appointed to the University of Colombo as a Lecturer and subsequently he was promoted as a Senior Lecturer.. However during the period he worked in the University of Colombo he was in progress to have his own thinking . Accordingly he published his “uf.a f,dalh”. Prior to 1989 he maintained cordial relationship with the JVP movement as a result he condemned the student group led by Daya Pathirana and Dharmasiri,( both were killed by unknown gunmen in 88/89) In 1992 Professor G.L. Peiris in his capacity as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo placed Dr. Nalin under interdiction and having conducted an inquiry on a charge sheet issued by the University under the then Vice Chancellor Prof. W. D. Lakshman Dr. Nalins `s services were terminated and as result he had to continue litigation with the University until December 2009. Having litigation for 18 years in December 2009 he agreed to have only Rs, 500.000.00 as compensation.
It is to be noted that the UNP Government came in to power in 2002 on a request made by Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe the University of Kelaniya gave him a fresh appointment as a Senior Lecturer effective from 1st January 2003. Subsequently he was promoted as a Professor and he continued the same until he retire from the University...
It is also to be noted that only the University academics except the Judges of the Supreme Court are permitted to work until they reach the age of 65. Furthermore in terms of provisions made in Section 73 of the Universities Act “the holder of a post of teacher…. shall continue in that post until he has completed his sixty fifth year or if he completes his sixty fifth year in the course of an academic year , until the last day of such academic year, and shall thereafter se deemed to have retired from service”.
Born on 20th October 1944 Dr. Nalin`s mandatory retirement date was 30th September 2010. As he was the Dean of the Faculty of Science which is an administrative position he had the legal right to continue as a teacher up the end of the academic yearie 30th September 2009 but not as the Dean of the Faculty. In contravention to the said legal provisions Professor Nalin continue as the Dean of the Faculty of Science.
It is interesting to note that on a request made by the University through the UGC the Cabinet of Ministers had permitted Dr. Nalin to work for the University on an assignment basis. However no approval had been given by the Cabinet of Minister to allow Dr Nalin to continue as a professor or as the Dean of a Faculty. However Dr. Nalin is still continue as the Dean of the Faculty Science contrary the aforesaid provisions of the Universities Act No 16 of 1978.
Greedy Sanath Jayasuriya begs selectors – “I don’t need to play but please select me so I will get paid in Dollars”
Sri Lanka’s aged former Master Blaster has pleaded with the national selectors to get him back to the national side even he is not given a chance to perform.
The Marata district MP from President Rajapaksa’s SLFP has made the appeal saying that he will be paid in US Dollars if he tours with the team irrespective of whether he plays or not.
The former super star is known to be one of the greediest cricketers ever, according to his associates. He is known to be trying his best to get everybody else to spend when socializing, rarely spending even for a cup of tea.
Jayasuriya who hails from a poor family in southern Sri Lanka is currently a multi-millionaire but people in Matara are yet to see any project by the super rich cricketer for the regions development.
Yet he sought votes from the public at the last general elections to serve the people in Matara!
He is thought to be the owner of few luxury properties in the UK.
The Marata district MP from President Rajapaksa’s SLFP has made the appeal saying that he will be paid in US Dollars if he tours with the team irrespective of whether he plays or not.
The former super star is known to be one of the greediest cricketers ever, according to his associates. He is known to be trying his best to get everybody else to spend when socializing, rarely spending even for a cup of tea.
Jayasuriya who hails from a poor family in southern Sri Lanka is currently a multi-millionaire but people in Matara are yet to see any project by the super rich cricketer for the regions development.
Yet he sought votes from the public at the last general elections to serve the people in Matara!
He is thought to be the owner of few luxury properties in the UK.
Coalition of 128 Malaysian Tamil NGO’s and MP’s make appeal to Indian Prime Minister to halt HR violations in Sri Lanka.
Dear All,
The Memorandum to the Indian Prime Minister was handed over to him by a delegation, comprising of M. Manogaran, Member of Parliament for Teluk Intan, Dato’ Siva Subramaniam, Mr Mohan Shan of Malaysian Hindu Sangam and Senator Ramakrishnan, this afternoon. The memorandum was endorsed by a number of Parliament Members and 128 NGOs .
Another copy of the memorandum was handed over to the Indian High Commission office in the morning.
The memorandum was jointly signed by Dr N. Iyngkaran representing Tamil Forum Malaysia and K. Arumugam for Coalition of Malaysian Indian NGOs.
Among those endorsed include:
Suaram, LLG Cultural Foundation, Hindu Sangam, Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (a group that represents orang asli, rural and urban settlers), Amnesty International Malaysia, students movements, religious, cultural, business and professional groups.
For whatever it is worth, we have recorded our position at this historic occassion in a civilized manner.
For those of you who supported the memorandum thank you very much.
I record a vote of thanks to Mr Kanesalingam who initiated the process and Dr Iyngkaran who followed through the process.
Regards
- aru
27th October, 2010
The Honourable Prime Minister of India
New Delhi
Through the Indian High commission in Malaysia
Kuala Lumpur.
Honourable Dr. Manmohan Singh,
AN APPEAL TO HALT THE GROSS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS PERPETRATED ON TAMILS IN SRI LANKA
We, the concerned organizations listed below, extend our warmest and sincere greetings to you on your visit to Malaysia on 27th October 2010. May your visit be fruitful and meaningful to India and Malaysia and serve to establish lasting friendship between the peoples of both the nations.
We take this opportunity to bring to your kind attention the deep anguish and concern felt by many Malaysians over the plight of Tamils in Sri Lanka. We seek your government’s immediate and timely intervention to ensure their safety is guaranteed and procured the wherewithal for the reconstruction of the devastated Tamil areas.
The Sri Lankan Government had declared final victory over the Tamil Tigers on 19 May 2010 following a bloody and brutal war in which thousands of civilians perished. In the final days of war, many civilians died because of indiscriminate army shelling. Human rights organizations found that Sri Lankan military had violated international humanitarian law, “including abuses amounting to war crimes”.
It has been more than 17 months since the war had ended but the Sri Lankan Government had not done much to fulfill its promises and assurances given to the international community and to the Indian Government that the just grievances of the Tamils in Sri Lankan Government would be addressed in a just and equitable manner.
The Sri Lankan Government did not:
A) Grant an amnesty to political and other prisoners held under Prevention of Terrorism Laws after the end of the conflict;
B) Make special efforts to rehabilitate militant youth with a view to bringing them back to the mainstream of natural life, instead these youths, comprising about 11,000, men and women, who are suspected of the crime of fighting for their land, are tortured and held in prisons. They are not even accorded the treatment which should be given to prisoners of war under the international law;
C) Create necessary conditions for displaced people to enable them to return to areas from which they were displaced. Instead 300,000 civilians who were eye witnesses to serious war crimes were held in barbed wire prisons for the purpose of “rehabilitation” in deplorable and humiliating conditions;
D) Recognise that the Northern and Eastern Provinces have been areas of historical importance for the Tamils; and
F) Allow free full and fair participation of voters in elections as Tamils were either under threat or detained.
Tamils have no access to many parts of their own land. They have no freedom of movement and no freedom of expression. More than 100,000 next of kin of those who were killed in the war have not been compensated.
There is also no accountability for the war crimes perpetrated by the Sri Lankan military on the non-combatants during the prolonged military campaign against the Tamil separatists.
Sir, your government has considerable leverage and influence with the Sri Lankan government. Your Government had contributed massive amounts of assistance which included includes arms, intelligence and finance to Sri Lanka in their effort to crush the Tamil separatists.
However, we also note with gratitude your Government’s provision of massive relief and assistance to hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the war. Your Government has also provided de-mining assistance and hass provided equipment to repair and rebuild homes.
It is in this context that we urge the Indian Government to utilize its influence to ensure accountability for abuses that have caused the deaths of thousands of Tamil civilians.
The process of reconciliation between various ethnic groups in Sri Lanka will be derailed if there is no accountability and the Tamils continue to feel they are being treated as second class citizens and a defeated population.
We note that your Government had engaged in behind-the-scene diplomatic efforts to gently persuade the Sri Lankan Government. There is a time and place for private diplomacy, but for years now the Sri Lankan government has ignored such behind the scene advice. In any case, private diplomacy should never become an excuse for inaction in the face of grave human-rights violations.
India being the regional power and an aspirant to a permanent seat in the Security Council cannot shed its prime responsibility to the plight faced by the Tamils for so many decades.
As such, we urge the Indian Government to support the United Nations efforts to ensure accountability for war crimes and other human rights abuses perpetrated on the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.
A lasting solution to the problems faced by the Tamils in Sri Lanka requires a just and fair political solution to the decades of systematic ethnic discrimination and massive human rights violations.
Inequalities in political power between the Tamils and the Sinhalese in which the Tamils have been terribly disadvantaged politically, economically, socially and culturally, led the Tamils to take up arms struggle that was supported by the Indian Government in the 1980s.
We also note with concern that there are still thousands of displaced Tamils interned in refugee camps and who are unable to return to their places of abode, either because their homes were destroyed, or because it is not safe for them to return. The people in Tamil areas have suffered numerous violations as a result of the conflict. They continue to be in need of humanitarian aid and protection of their human rights. We call upon India to ensure that all those displaced as the result of hostilities are guaranteed a safe and durable return to their places of residence.
Sri Lankan Government has constructed 10,000 brand new quarters for 60,000 Sri Lankan soldiers who are now stationed in the Tamil country in Kilinochi, Murigandi, Puliyankulam, Pooneryn and other places in Vanni. More houses are planned to enable the soldiers to bring their families to live with them. We are aghast that the Government of Sri Lanka is implementing this programme with the aim of populating Tamil country with majority Singhalese right under the eyes of India and Tamil Nadu. This colonisation which took place quietly, is now taking place overtly and brazenly. The inalienable right of Tamils to live in their own land in peace and dignity is being violated and is under threat. We call upon India to put a stop to this sinister attempt to alter the character of the Tamil areas.
We also call upon India to support the call by the international community to establish an independent, international monitoring presence on the ground without delay so that independent and accurate information on the current ground situation may be obtained.
International monitoring missions should cover all areas affected by the conflict, including human rights monitoring in their mandates and report publicly on their findings
It would be helpful if independent journalists and international news organizations are allowed full and free access to the Tamil people so that the world may learn of the true situation instead of relying on Sri Lankan communiqués.
Last but not least, we call upon the Government of India to ensure that the Sri Lankan Government observes and gives effect to the rights and obligations enshrined in the Universal declaration of Human rights and all other international human rights instruments which Sri Lanka has ratified.
This should include the right of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka to self-determination so that they may live in peace and dignity.
Genuine peace with justice is the only way.
The Memorandum to the Indian Prime Minister was handed over to him by a delegation, comprising of M. Manogaran, Member of Parliament for Teluk Intan, Dato’ Siva Subramaniam, Mr Mohan Shan of Malaysian Hindu Sangam and Senator Ramakrishnan, this afternoon. The memorandum was endorsed by a number of Parliament Members and 128 NGOs .
Another copy of the memorandum was handed over to the Indian High Commission office in the morning.
The memorandum was jointly signed by Dr N. Iyngkaran representing Tamil Forum Malaysia and K. Arumugam for Coalition of Malaysian Indian NGOs.
Among those endorsed include:
Suaram, LLG Cultural Foundation, Hindu Sangam, Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (a group that represents orang asli, rural and urban settlers), Amnesty International Malaysia, students movements, religious, cultural, business and professional groups.
For whatever it is worth, we have recorded our position at this historic occassion in a civilized manner.
For those of you who supported the memorandum thank you very much.
I record a vote of thanks to Mr Kanesalingam who initiated the process and Dr Iyngkaran who followed through the process.
Regards
- aru
27th October, 2010
The Honourable Prime Minister of India
New Delhi
Through the Indian High commission in Malaysia
Kuala Lumpur.
Honourable Dr. Manmohan Singh,
AN APPEAL TO HALT THE GROSS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS PERPETRATED ON TAMILS IN SRI LANKA
We, the concerned organizations listed below, extend our warmest and sincere greetings to you on your visit to Malaysia on 27th October 2010. May your visit be fruitful and meaningful to India and Malaysia and serve to establish lasting friendship between the peoples of both the nations.
We take this opportunity to bring to your kind attention the deep anguish and concern felt by many Malaysians over the plight of Tamils in Sri Lanka. We seek your government’s immediate and timely intervention to ensure their safety is guaranteed and procured the wherewithal for the reconstruction of the devastated Tamil areas.
The Sri Lankan Government had declared final victory over the Tamil Tigers on 19 May 2010 following a bloody and brutal war in which thousands of civilians perished. In the final days of war, many civilians died because of indiscriminate army shelling. Human rights organizations found that Sri Lankan military had violated international humanitarian law, “including abuses amounting to war crimes”.
It has been more than 17 months since the war had ended but the Sri Lankan Government had not done much to fulfill its promises and assurances given to the international community and to the Indian Government that the just grievances of the Tamils in Sri Lankan Government would be addressed in a just and equitable manner.
The Sri Lankan Government did not:
A) Grant an amnesty to political and other prisoners held under Prevention of Terrorism Laws after the end of the conflict;
B) Make special efforts to rehabilitate militant youth with a view to bringing them back to the mainstream of natural life, instead these youths, comprising about 11,000, men and women, who are suspected of the crime of fighting for their land, are tortured and held in prisons. They are not even accorded the treatment which should be given to prisoners of war under the international law;
C) Create necessary conditions for displaced people to enable them to return to areas from which they were displaced. Instead 300,000 civilians who were eye witnesses to serious war crimes were held in barbed wire prisons for the purpose of “rehabilitation” in deplorable and humiliating conditions;
D) Recognise that the Northern and Eastern Provinces have been areas of historical importance for the Tamils; and
F) Allow free full and fair participation of voters in elections as Tamils were either under threat or detained.
Tamils have no access to many parts of their own land. They have no freedom of movement and no freedom of expression. More than 100,000 next of kin of those who were killed in the war have not been compensated.
There is also no accountability for the war crimes perpetrated by the Sri Lankan military on the non-combatants during the prolonged military campaign against the Tamil separatists.
Sir, your government has considerable leverage and influence with the Sri Lankan government. Your Government had contributed massive amounts of assistance which included includes arms, intelligence and finance to Sri Lanka in their effort to crush the Tamil separatists.
However, we also note with gratitude your Government’s provision of massive relief and assistance to hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the war. Your Government has also provided de-mining assistance and hass provided equipment to repair and rebuild homes.
It is in this context that we urge the Indian Government to utilize its influence to ensure accountability for abuses that have caused the deaths of thousands of Tamil civilians.
The process of reconciliation between various ethnic groups in Sri Lanka will be derailed if there is no accountability and the Tamils continue to feel they are being treated as second class citizens and a defeated population.
We note that your Government had engaged in behind-the-scene diplomatic efforts to gently persuade the Sri Lankan Government. There is a time and place for private diplomacy, but for years now the Sri Lankan government has ignored such behind the scene advice. In any case, private diplomacy should never become an excuse for inaction in the face of grave human-rights violations.
India being the regional power and an aspirant to a permanent seat in the Security Council cannot shed its prime responsibility to the plight faced by the Tamils for so many decades.
As such, we urge the Indian Government to support the United Nations efforts to ensure accountability for war crimes and other human rights abuses perpetrated on the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.
A lasting solution to the problems faced by the Tamils in Sri Lanka requires a just and fair political solution to the decades of systematic ethnic discrimination and massive human rights violations.
Inequalities in political power between the Tamils and the Sinhalese in which the Tamils have been terribly disadvantaged politically, economically, socially and culturally, led the Tamils to take up arms struggle that was supported by the Indian Government in the 1980s.
We also note with concern that there are still thousands of displaced Tamils interned in refugee camps and who are unable to return to their places of abode, either because their homes were destroyed, or because it is not safe for them to return. The people in Tamil areas have suffered numerous violations as a result of the conflict. They continue to be in need of humanitarian aid and protection of their human rights. We call upon India to ensure that all those displaced as the result of hostilities are guaranteed a safe and durable return to their places of residence.
Sri Lankan Government has constructed 10,000 brand new quarters for 60,000 Sri Lankan soldiers who are now stationed in the Tamil country in Kilinochi, Murigandi, Puliyankulam, Pooneryn and other places in Vanni. More houses are planned to enable the soldiers to bring their families to live with them. We are aghast that the Government of Sri Lanka is implementing this programme with the aim of populating Tamil country with majority Singhalese right under the eyes of India and Tamil Nadu. This colonisation which took place quietly, is now taking place overtly and brazenly. The inalienable right of Tamils to live in their own land in peace and dignity is being violated and is under threat. We call upon India to put a stop to this sinister attempt to alter the character of the Tamil areas.
We also call upon India to support the call by the international community to establish an independent, international monitoring presence on the ground without delay so that independent and accurate information on the current ground situation may be obtained.
International monitoring missions should cover all areas affected by the conflict, including human rights monitoring in their mandates and report publicly on their findings
It would be helpful if independent journalists and international news organizations are allowed full and free access to the Tamil people so that the world may learn of the true situation instead of relying on Sri Lankan communiqués.
Last but not least, we call upon the Government of India to ensure that the Sri Lankan Government observes and gives effect to the rights and obligations enshrined in the Universal declaration of Human rights and all other international human rights instruments which Sri Lanka has ratified.
This should include the right of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka to self-determination so that they may live in peace and dignity.
Genuine peace with justice is the only way.
TMVP Secretary says Chinese intelligence personnel are in the East
TMVP Secretary Thaileshwaraja says that Chinese intelligence personnel were among the Chinese nationals who have arrived in the country to take part in the development programmes in the East.
He had made this statement to the Lakbima newspaper.
The TMVP Secretary's statement to the Lakbima newspaper has been published quoting him saying that their party members have been made aware of the involvement of Chinese intelligence personnel and that the informationgathered by them could prove the presence of Chinese intelligence oofficersin Sri Lanka's East.
He had made this statement to the Lakbima newspaper.
The TMVP Secretary's statement to the Lakbima newspaper has been published quoting him saying that their party members have been made aware of the involvement of Chinese intelligence personnel and that the informationgathered by them could prove the presence of Chinese intelligence oofficersin Sri Lanka's East.
Kelaniya marauders brutally assault a Sarasavi student while police watch idly and amuse themselves
(Lanka-e-News, Oct.27, 2010, 11.50PM) A first year degree Arts faculty student of the Kelaniya University Chamika Sandaruwan was abducted by a certain gang of marauders today and assaulted.
Sandaruwan was on his way home and heading for the main Road from the University to take a bus..,a certain group who had.been laying in wait had attacked him, and brought him by force to the external examination Hall and continued their assault. When he tried to escape from these assailants and ran towards the road, the other marauders who were near the road, have also attacked him. Then they have wrested his University ID card, national ID card, books and his bag from him and gone away.
It is reported that from morning today, on the Colombo –kandy road, at entrances to it and around, groups of the marauders of a Govt. politico have been seen stationed.
Though the victim of the assault has made a complaint to the Police Headquarters, the latter had refused to accept his complaint on the ground that they only receive complaints from the Police.
The students Association had been dispatching the students of the University thereafter only in groups in fear that they may be attacked by these marauders.
Sandaruwan was on his way home and heading for the main Road from the University to take a bus..,a certain group who had.been laying in wait had attacked him, and brought him by force to the external examination Hall and continued their assault. When he tried to escape from these assailants and ran towards the road, the other marauders who were near the road, have also attacked him. Then they have wrested his University ID card, national ID card, books and his bag from him and gone away.
It is reported that from morning today, on the Colombo –kandy road, at entrances to it and around, groups of the marauders of a Govt. politico have been seen stationed.
Though the victim of the assault has made a complaint to the Police Headquarters, the latter had refused to accept his complaint on the ground that they only receive complaints from the Police.
The students Association had been dispatching the students of the University thereafter only in groups in fear that they may be attacked by these marauders.
Northern railway on track with Indian aid
On the initiative of the Indian government, the Railways Department is well on schedule to complete the Northern railway line in two-and-a-half years, according to Deputy Chief Engineer, Railways Department, V. Amaratunga.
Amaratunga said that the Railways Department has four ongoing projects in the Northern areas, totalling of US$ 510 million which are scheduled to be completed in two-and-a-half years.
The first among these from Vavuniya to Omanthai, has been completed by the Sri Lanka Railways Department he said.
The Railways Department has commenced laying 90 km of the Omanthai-Pallai track at an estimated cost of US$180 million. This is financed by Ircon, an Indian public corporation associated with the Indian Railways Ministry, he explained.
He further said that the Mannar line would also be financed by Ircon, at an estimated cost of US$ 230 million, for the stretch from Medawachchiya to Talaimannar.
The Sri Lanka Army is in the process of de-mining a 500-metre stretch of land in the Omanthai and Medawachchiya areas. Amaratunga further explained that a 56-km stretch of land from Pallai to Kankesanturai has been surveyed by the Sri Lankan Transport Ministry, while rails, sleepers and points of crossings have been imported from India. This stretch is estimated to cost US$ 100 million, of which US$ 30 million is from India, while the rest would be locally funded.
The rail tracks would be up graded to enable the trains to travel up to speeds of 120 km/hr, while the weight capacity would be increased to 22 metric tons.
Amaratunga said that the Railways Department has four ongoing projects in the Northern areas, totalling of US$ 510 million which are scheduled to be completed in two-and-a-half years.
The first among these from Vavuniya to Omanthai, has been completed by the Sri Lanka Railways Department he said.
The Railways Department has commenced laying 90 km of the Omanthai-Pallai track at an estimated cost of US$180 million. This is financed by Ircon, an Indian public corporation associated with the Indian Railways Ministry, he explained.
He further said that the Mannar line would also be financed by Ircon, at an estimated cost of US$ 230 million, for the stretch from Medawachchiya to Talaimannar.
The Sri Lanka Army is in the process of de-mining a 500-metre stretch of land in the Omanthai and Medawachchiya areas. Amaratunga further explained that a 56-km stretch of land from Pallai to Kankesanturai has been surveyed by the Sri Lankan Transport Ministry, while rails, sleepers and points of crossings have been imported from India. This stretch is estimated to cost US$ 100 million, of which US$ 30 million is from India, while the rest would be locally funded.
The rail tracks would be up graded to enable the trains to travel up to speeds of 120 km/hr, while the weight capacity would be increased to 22 metric tons.
No pilots, no flights
A shortage of pilots is forcing SriLankan Airlines, the national carrier, to periodically cancel flights.
The latest flight to be cancelled was UL 505, which was scheduled to leave for London at 2:00 AM today. On Friday, UL 571 to Rome was also cancelled. Last week, a flight to Narita (Japan) was delayed by six hours. Sri Lankan Airlines staff complain that the management is slow to recruit pilots.
According to a source at the Sri Lankan Pilots Guild, commercial pilots are not expected to fly more than 900 hours a year, under international flying regulations. The source, who did not wish to be identified, said most pilots working for Sri Lankan Airlines are overworked and have reached the 900-hour limit.
Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan Airlines duty manager at Bandaranaike International Airport said “operational problems” were the cause of flight cancellations and delays. He said the London-bound Flight UL 509, due to depart at 11:00 AM today, would leave on schedule. He declined
The latest flight to be cancelled was UL 505, which was scheduled to leave for London at 2:00 AM today. On Friday, UL 571 to Rome was also cancelled. Last week, a flight to Narita (Japan) was delayed by six hours. Sri Lankan Airlines staff complain that the management is slow to recruit pilots.
According to a source at the Sri Lankan Pilots Guild, commercial pilots are not expected to fly more than 900 hours a year, under international flying regulations. The source, who did not wish to be identified, said most pilots working for Sri Lankan Airlines are overworked and have reached the 900-hour limit.
Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan Airlines duty manager at Bandaranaike International Airport said “operational problems” were the cause of flight cancellations and delays. He said the London-bound Flight UL 509, due to depart at 11:00 AM today, would leave on schedule. He declined
Pol mess as prices go nuts
By Hiran Priyankara Jayasinghe
The price of fresh coconut shot up further this week in the market, while outstation traders claimed that businessman were still buying coconuts from them at low rates. At Thursday's auction in Colombo, fresh coconuts went for over Rs 3,000 per thousand nuts, while the average auction price rose to Rs 33,006 per thousand nuts, up from 29,069 a week earlier.
Coconuts being skinned on an estate
Market surveys revealed that the price of a coconut had gone up from Rs 25 (Rs 25,107 per 1000 nuts) to Rs 33 a nut last week, but this week, a coconut was being sold at Rs. 42 in some areas.
Notwithstanding that coconut production too has been on the decline.
Coconut production which was about 3,500 nuts for every 3 acres, today yields only around a thousand for a 45-day period. Coconut producer Nimal Titus echoes the woes of the trade in the coconut triangle region of Puttalam, Kurunegala and Gampaha districts.
“Scarcity of rain and non availability of fertilizer are among the main reasons for the downside in production, while the drought in January next year will worsen the situation. These districts did not receive sufficient rain in the last three years. Added to this is the ‘mita’ menace, which even the CRI could not cope with”, he lamented.
A diseased nut
One other reason is that many coconut growing lands have come under the hammer as real estate, where trees are chopped before surveying the land for sale. This is one of the main reasons for the rise in price today of over Rs 50 per nut.
But the price hike did not benefit the producer as the middlemen earned over Rs 20 per nut in the process. Ajith Prasanna a full time grower said that, he did not profit from the price hike, though the nut is sold between Rs 45 and 50, when the cost price is Rs 26.
R.D. Wimalawathie, a housewife, said that, for an average family of 5 that needs 2 nuts daily, the cost is high by their standards, and is a strain on the purse. Another said that, though prices are high, most nuts are tender and have no milk, hence no taste. Chairman, Coconut Board, said that the high price is seasonal and happens every year around August. The annual requirement is around 3,500 million nuts at the rate of 106 per person. He has inaugurated a scheme to sell 10 nuts per person at Rs 30, to help the consumer tide over the present impasse.
The price of fresh coconut shot up further this week in the market, while outstation traders claimed that businessman were still buying coconuts from them at low rates. At Thursday's auction in Colombo, fresh coconuts went for over Rs 3,000 per thousand nuts, while the average auction price rose to Rs 33,006 per thousand nuts, up from 29,069 a week earlier.
Coconuts being skinned on an estate
Market surveys revealed that the price of a coconut had gone up from Rs 25 (Rs 25,107 per 1000 nuts) to Rs 33 a nut last week, but this week, a coconut was being sold at Rs. 42 in some areas.
Notwithstanding that coconut production too has been on the decline.
Coconut production which was about 3,500 nuts for every 3 acres, today yields only around a thousand for a 45-day period. Coconut producer Nimal Titus echoes the woes of the trade in the coconut triangle region of Puttalam, Kurunegala and Gampaha districts.
“Scarcity of rain and non availability of fertilizer are among the main reasons for the downside in production, while the drought in January next year will worsen the situation. These districts did not receive sufficient rain in the last three years. Added to this is the ‘mita’ menace, which even the CRI could not cope with”, he lamented.
A diseased nut
One other reason is that many coconut growing lands have come under the hammer as real estate, where trees are chopped before surveying the land for sale. This is one of the main reasons for the rise in price today of over Rs 50 per nut.
But the price hike did not benefit the producer as the middlemen earned over Rs 20 per nut in the process. Ajith Prasanna a full time grower said that, he did not profit from the price hike, though the nut is sold between Rs 45 and 50, when the cost price is Rs 26.
R.D. Wimalawathie, a housewife, said that, for an average family of 5 that needs 2 nuts daily, the cost is high by their standards, and is a strain on the purse. Another said that, though prices are high, most nuts are tender and have no milk, hence no taste. Chairman, Coconut Board, said that the high price is seasonal and happens every year around August. The annual requirement is around 3,500 million nuts at the rate of 106 per person. He has inaugurated a scheme to sell 10 nuts per person at Rs 30, to help the consumer tide over the present impasse.
Luxury hotel and apartments on Army sports grounds
Cabinet approves move after talks between Shangri-La boss and Basil
The Army grounds adjoining the Galle Face Green will be the site for an upmarket luxury hotel and apartment complex, the Cabinet has decided. The project costing 75 million US dollars (Rs 8.3 billion) will be awarded to the internationally reputed Shangri-La group. A recommendation to provide this key site for development was made to the Cabinet by Economic Development Minister, Basil Rajapaksa.
The Government is to provide alternative land for the Sri Lanka Army to construct a bigger sports ground with all amenities. The Ministry of Economic Development is to assist in this task. At present, besides sports activities, the Army grounds is also being used as a heliport by the Sri Lanka Air Force for VIP flights. It has also been the venue for exhibitions and fun fairs conducted by the Army’s Seva Vanitha Unit.
Shangri-La group Chairman and Chief Executive Officer Kuok Khoon – Ean visited to Sri Lanka on August 18 in his private jet for talks with Minister Rajapaksa. He expressed his interest in setting up a hotel in Sri Lanka in the light of the ongoing post war development activity.
The Shangri-La group has 67 five star hotels and resorts in various countries including China, Japan, France, Russia, Britain, Qatar, Mongolia, Philippines, India, Hong Kong, Singapore, Australia, Indonesia, Canada and the Fiji Islands.
The Army grounds adjoining the Galle Face Green will be the site for an upmarket luxury hotel and apartment complex, the Cabinet has decided. The project costing 75 million US dollars (Rs 8.3 billion) will be awarded to the internationally reputed Shangri-La group. A recommendation to provide this key site for development was made to the Cabinet by Economic Development Minister, Basil Rajapaksa.
The Government is to provide alternative land for the Sri Lanka Army to construct a bigger sports ground with all amenities. The Ministry of Economic Development is to assist in this task. At present, besides sports activities, the Army grounds is also being used as a heliport by the Sri Lanka Air Force for VIP flights. It has also been the venue for exhibitions and fun fairs conducted by the Army’s Seva Vanitha Unit.
Shangri-La group Chairman and Chief Executive Officer Kuok Khoon – Ean visited to Sri Lanka on August 18 in his private jet for talks with Minister Rajapaksa. He expressed his interest in setting up a hotel in Sri Lanka in the light of the ongoing post war development activity.
The Shangri-La group has 67 five star hotels and resorts in various countries including China, Japan, France, Russia, Britain, Qatar, Mongolia, Philippines, India, Hong Kong, Singapore, Australia, Indonesia, Canada and the Fiji Islands.
In joint raid with U.S., Russia back in Afghanistan
Russian and U.S. special forces have carried out their first joint anti-narcotics operation in Afghanistan that marked the first time Russian security personnel set foot in that country in more than 20 years.
In a joint raid on four heroin laboratories near the border with Pakistan, Russian and U.S. forces seized $250-million worth of narcotics, Russia's anti-narcotics agency chief Viktor Ivanov told a press conference in Moscow on Friday. Damage inflicted on Afghan drug mafia amounted to $1 billion.
Russia provided intelligence information about the laboratories and 70 Russian officers helped prepare the operation. Mr. Ivanov said four Russian officers took part in the raid itself to smash the drug ring. He suggested that Moscow may send additional drug control officers to Afghanistan and train Afghan anti-narcotics personnel.
The operation marked Russia's return to Afghanistan for the first time since the Russian Army pulled out from the country in 1989 after a 10-year war. So far Moscow has consistently rejected sending its troops to Afghanistan, limiting assistance to supply of helicopters and provision of transport corridors.
“This is graphic evidence of an ongoing reset in Russian-American relations, and there is potential to do much more,” said the Russian drug control chief.
In a joint raid on four heroin laboratories near the border with Pakistan, Russian and U.S. forces seized $250-million worth of narcotics, Russia's anti-narcotics agency chief Viktor Ivanov told a press conference in Moscow on Friday. Damage inflicted on Afghan drug mafia amounted to $1 billion.
Russia provided intelligence information about the laboratories and 70 Russian officers helped prepare the operation. Mr. Ivanov said four Russian officers took part in the raid itself to smash the drug ring. He suggested that Moscow may send additional drug control officers to Afghanistan and train Afghan anti-narcotics personnel.
The operation marked Russia's return to Afghanistan for the first time since the Russian Army pulled out from the country in 1989 after a 10-year war. So far Moscow has consistently rejected sending its troops to Afghanistan, limiting assistance to supply of helicopters and provision of transport corridors.
“This is graphic evidence of an ongoing reset in Russian-American relations, and there is potential to do much more,” said the Russian drug control chief.
The Bishop of Colombo Rt. Rev Duleep De Chickera said that the public has a right to know who has been abducted or killed.
By Harischandra Gunaratna
The Bishop of Colombo Rt. Rev Duleep De Chickera making his submissions on behalf of the Church of Ceylon before the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission yesterday, said that the public has a right to know who has been abducted or killed. He emphasized on the need appoint immediately another commission to investigate the numerous killings and abductions of civilians which occurred during the conflict and said that commission could also be mandated to trace and publish lists of persons missing or killed during the period of war and conflict. "There can be no deterrent to a resurgence of grievance and terrorism than the restoration of the democratic rights of the people, law and order and good governance," he said.
Rev Chickera said that a certain degree of scepticism and cynicism prevails among the masses on the prevailing political culture of the country and there has to be a proper mechanism of devolution. It is the responsibility of the political leadership of the country to see that it is implemented, he said.
"Many groups have been excluded or marginalized in the participation of the political process," he noted.
He said there must be a mechanism for the healing of memories and for building of trust within and amongst all communities and cross cultural education which will bring the children of different ethnic communities together in regions where there are cosmopolitan communities. An integrated teaching of history will enhance this process and lay foundation for trust and confidence, he said.
Bishop Chickera quoted Ireland as an example where this system has been successful. He said they started it in one school and now there are over 200 such schools.
He said that the emergency regulations and the Prevention of Terrorism Act needs to be reviewed as these have often been used to stifle legitimate democratic activities and intimidate political opposition. He warned that as long as such measures are in place they will pose a threat to normalcy and national reconciliation.
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The Bishop of Colombo Rt. Rev Duleep De Chickera making his submissions on behalf of the Church of Ceylon before the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission yesterday, said that the public has a right to know who has been abducted or killed. He emphasized on the need appoint immediately another commission to investigate the numerous killings and abductions of civilians which occurred during the conflict and said that commission could also be mandated to trace and publish lists of persons missing or killed during the period of war and conflict. "There can be no deterrent to a resurgence of grievance and terrorism than the restoration of the democratic rights of the people, law and order and good governance," he said.
Rev Chickera said that a certain degree of scepticism and cynicism prevails among the masses on the prevailing political culture of the country and there has to be a proper mechanism of devolution. It is the responsibility of the political leadership of the country to see that it is implemented, he said.
"Many groups have been excluded or marginalized in the participation of the political process," he noted.
He said there must be a mechanism for the healing of memories and for building of trust within and amongst all communities and cross cultural education which will bring the children of different ethnic communities together in regions where there are cosmopolitan communities. An integrated teaching of history will enhance this process and lay foundation for trust and confidence, he said.
Bishop Chickera quoted Ireland as an example where this system has been successful. He said they started it in one school and now there are over 200 such schools.
He said that the emergency regulations and the Prevention of Terrorism Act needs to be reviewed as these have often been used to stifle legitimate democratic activities and intimidate political opposition. He warned that as long as such measures are in place they will pose a threat to normalcy and national reconciliation.
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Wednesday, October 27, 2010
Depositors in state banks in danger
The Central Bank has relinquished its responsibilities with seven state banks including Bank of Ceylon, People’s Bank and the National Savings Bank and 67 registered financial institutions. Millions of public deposits have therefore been placed in jeopardy.
There is a threat of a massive economic fall out following the presentation of the 2011 budget. Although the interest rates on deposits have been reduced, the loan interest has not been reduced by the banks.
The economy is facing a crisis due to the short term loans taken by banks on high interest rates. The crisis would undoubtedly have a severe impact on the banking sector.
In this backdrop, it is the responsibility of the Central Bank to protest the banking sector in the country. However, the Central Bank has strategically moved out of this responsibility and an advertisement citing this was published in last Sunday’s (24) newspapers.
According to the advertisement, the Central Bank would no longer be responsible for seven state banks and 67 financial institutions. It states that the Central Bank would not protect the public deposits. In earlier occasions, it was said that the Central Bank would not be responsible for monies placed in unlicensed financial institutions.
When the Pramuka Bank and Seylan Bank were faced with crises, the Central Bank intervened to protect the depositors. The administration of Seylan Bank was handed over to the Bank of Ceylon.
According to the advertisement, the Central Bank would no longer be responsible for the Bank of Ceylon, People’s Bank and the National Savings Bank.
There is a threat of a massive economic fall out following the presentation of the 2011 budget. Although the interest rates on deposits have been reduced, the loan interest has not been reduced by the banks.
The economy is facing a crisis due to the short term loans taken by banks on high interest rates. The crisis would undoubtedly have a severe impact on the banking sector.
In this backdrop, it is the responsibility of the Central Bank to protest the banking sector in the country. However, the Central Bank has strategically moved out of this responsibility and an advertisement citing this was published in last Sunday’s (24) newspapers.
According to the advertisement, the Central Bank would no longer be responsible for seven state banks and 67 financial institutions. It states that the Central Bank would not protect the public deposits. In earlier occasions, it was said that the Central Bank would not be responsible for monies placed in unlicensed financial institutions.
When the Pramuka Bank and Seylan Bank were faced with crises, the Central Bank intervened to protect the depositors. The administration of Seylan Bank was handed over to the Bank of Ceylon.
According to the advertisement, the Central Bank would no longer be responsible for the Bank of Ceylon, People’s Bank and the National Savings Bank.
Sri Lanka is still so bad that it ranks among other countries seen to be very corrupt,
Transparency International, a global civil society organization fighting against corruption, said the CPI Index, though perceptional, has been accepted as the most recognized and often quoted international index on corruption.
"Sri Lanka is clubbed together with six other countries - Bosnia & Herzegovina, Djibouti, Gambia, Guatemala, Kiribati and Swaziland - all with a score of 3.2," the statement said.
"Sri Lanka is clubbed together with six other countries - Bosnia & Herzegovina, Djibouti, Gambia, Guatemala, Kiribati and Swaziland - all with a score of 3.2," the statement said.
Monday, October 25, 2010
Sweet logic and commissions of inquiry
By Kishali Pinto Jayawardene
The sweetly logical and more than faintly aggrieved protestations that we hear from government spokespersons, including in particular, the Minister of External Affairs, implore us to give Sri Lanka’s Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission the benefit of the doubt rather than prejudge it unfairly.
Doubtless the more charitably inclined among us would like to believe these protestations against all odds. Yet, for such beliefs to be encouraged, much more needs to be heard than mere words. Can there indeed be lessons learnt or reconciliation without justice in this country? And by justice do we mean only superficial and weary promises, for example, that language would no longer be an issue in the North and East in the dealings of people of minority communities with government offices and officials?
Recommendations regarding language rights
From the 1977 Sansoni Commission downwards, we have been hearing this promise with no actual impact on its ground reality. The Sansoni Commission was one of the earliest bodies to recognize the fact that language was a root problem associated with communal unrest. Commissioner Sansoni’s assertion was that the Tamil language should have been recognized as a national or ‘even as an official’ language before 1978 (see the Sansoni Commission report, Sessional Paper No. VII, July 1980, at p. 73).
Writing the report in 1980, Commissioner Sansoni preferred to believe that this problem had been remedied by the 1978 Constitution’s express recognition of Tamil as a national language (Article 19) while further providing for its use as a medium of instruction, as a language of legislation, administration and of the Courts. (Articles 21 to 25). He exhorted the government to take steps to implement these provisions without delay lest it be thought that the recognition given to the Tamil language is ‘an empty thing.’
But what is the actual reality of the implementation of this policy? As studies by the Official Languages Commission themselves have shown, the language issue remains of troubling concern, even decades later. In an interview published in this same newspaper in 2009, the practical impact of two circulars issued in early 2007 in regard to the implementation of the language policy have been found to be negligible (see interview with Mr Raja Collure, ‘Official Languages Policy - mere rhetoric?’ The Sunday Times, 05.07.2009).
Concessions to the minorities and past Commission exercises
In any event, are we supposed to believe that victims of the conflict that had ravaged Sri Lanka for so many decades would be happy if some concessions are thrown to them, out of the benevolence of the majority community and let it rest at that? Let us look at the reality and see why cynics react so harshly to government protestations that Commission exercises are intended genuinely.
In 2006, when the Udalagama Commission of Inquiry was established to look into particular cases of serious human rights violations, this columnist, among others, predicted that the entire exercise would be a total waste of time, energy and money. Then, these same protestations were heard. We were informed that we were not even giving this Commission a chance.
But what happened thereafter was predictable. The failed interaction of the Udalagama Commission with the team of international observers headed by former Indian Chief Justice PN Bhagwati, was only part of the unpleasant drama that dogged this Commission. Though government propagandists sought hard by conveying the impression that the observers were anti Sri Lankan, (with the impression that they were pro-LTTE), this was actually far from the case.
Many of these observers were well known and respected jurists in the field of international human rights law who were aware of Sri Lanka’s juristic reputation in past decades in the Commonwealth and were certainly not ill intentioned towards Sri Lanka at all.
Yet due to a lamentable lack of diplomacy if not open hostility on the part of those representing the government in dealing with them, resulting in equal antagonism in return, the Commission itself was unable to keep the peace ultimately and open warfare erupted resulting in the observers pulling out.
Even if one were to take this fiasco entirely out of the reckoning, the fate that befell the Udalagama Commission was telling. In 2009, it was compelled to disband ignominiously with a considerable proportion of its cases still remaining uninvestigated, when its term was not extended by the Presidential Secretariat. As was commonly accepted at that time, this was a Commission exercise intended to placate the international community and assuredly not to bring at least some measure of accountability to the table.
Cynicism apparent at different levels
Insofar as the current situation is concerned, it is not merely the past history of these Commissions of Inquiry that underscores as to why very few people do not believe in these exercises. The cynicism that greets such Commissions in Sri Lanka is heightened for very basic and commonsensical reasons.
Simply put, we have the Office of the Presidency consolidating more and more power in itself, as evidenced by the wholesale disposing of the Constitutional Council. This means that even if the long suffering constitutional commissions on the public service, the police and elections and the National Human Rights Commission, among others, are established within the coming months, public trust in their independent and credible functioning will be greatly diminished. No doubt we will have lawyers and retired judges rushing to accept appointments to these bodies in the same way that they did when President Mahinda Rajapaksa disregarded the mandatory conditions of the 17th Amendment and made his own appointments some years back. However, the mere establishing of these bodies without the necessary ingredients of independence and credibility will accomplish very little. Surely even a first year law student would realize this?
Then again, we have amendments to the local government laws being contemplated that will centre more authority in the ruling party presently holding the electoral reins. We have a pending proposal to convert the Colombo Municipal Council into a private authority ostensibly on the argument that the entity would be run more professionally. We have the Department of the Police continuing to be situated under the aegis of the Ministry of Defence, (surely a most startling proposition in peacetime, whatever the arguments there may be during the conflict). The Office of the Attorney General functions under the President with attendant negative implications on its independence and credibility.
Learning lessons from the past
In such a context which speaks not to democracy and the rule of law but to the exact converse, namely blatant authoritarianism, is it feasible to believe that a body such as the Lessons Learnt Commission is a genuine exercise? Attempts by government spokesmen to liken this Commission to the South African Commission on Truth and Reconciliation are laughable. The mandate and context of the South African body and the Sri Lankan Commission are substantially different so as to virtually belong in two different worlds and deserve detailed analysis elsewhere than in a newspaper column.
Even with the best of will and taken at its kindest interpretation, we may even believe in the idea of a Lessons Learnt Commission in a post war Sri Lanka, (and perhaps the bona fides of the Commissioners themselves), but assuredly not in the bona fides of the government in having the political will to make this Commission exercise different from its predecessor. Sweet words and injured protestations will not suffice to disprove this inevitable cynicism. If this government is keen on actually learning lessons from past history and in promoting reconciliation, it does not need yet another imaginatively termed Commission. Rather, it should peruse the numerous reports of past Commissions of Inquiry from the 1950s headed by reputable and committed Sri Lankans which have handed down concrete and carefully thought out recommendations on achieving truth, justice and reparations not only for the minority communities but for Sri Lanka’s majority community as well. The recommendations handed down by these Commissions are presently confined to the paper on which the reports are written. These recommendations should be immediately implemented.
Perhaps then we may justifiably welcome Commissions of Inquiry, (on Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation or otherwise), with a little less natural mistrust.
| E-mail | views[224]
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The sweetly logical and more than faintly aggrieved protestations that we hear from government spokespersons, including in particular, the Minister of External Affairs, implore us to give Sri Lanka’s Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission the benefit of the doubt rather than prejudge it unfairly.
Doubtless the more charitably inclined among us would like to believe these protestations against all odds. Yet, for such beliefs to be encouraged, much more needs to be heard than mere words. Can there indeed be lessons learnt or reconciliation without justice in this country? And by justice do we mean only superficial and weary promises, for example, that language would no longer be an issue in the North and East in the dealings of people of minority communities with government offices and officials?
Recommendations regarding language rights
From the 1977 Sansoni Commission downwards, we have been hearing this promise with no actual impact on its ground reality. The Sansoni Commission was one of the earliest bodies to recognize the fact that language was a root problem associated with communal unrest. Commissioner Sansoni’s assertion was that the Tamil language should have been recognized as a national or ‘even as an official’ language before 1978 (see the Sansoni Commission report, Sessional Paper No. VII, July 1980, at p. 73).
Writing the report in 1980, Commissioner Sansoni preferred to believe that this problem had been remedied by the 1978 Constitution’s express recognition of Tamil as a national language (Article 19) while further providing for its use as a medium of instruction, as a language of legislation, administration and of the Courts. (Articles 21 to 25). He exhorted the government to take steps to implement these provisions without delay lest it be thought that the recognition given to the Tamil language is ‘an empty thing.’
But what is the actual reality of the implementation of this policy? As studies by the Official Languages Commission themselves have shown, the language issue remains of troubling concern, even decades later. In an interview published in this same newspaper in 2009, the practical impact of two circulars issued in early 2007 in regard to the implementation of the language policy have been found to be negligible (see interview with Mr Raja Collure, ‘Official Languages Policy - mere rhetoric?’ The Sunday Times, 05.07.2009).
Concessions to the minorities and past Commission exercises
In any event, are we supposed to believe that victims of the conflict that had ravaged Sri Lanka for so many decades would be happy if some concessions are thrown to them, out of the benevolence of the majority community and let it rest at that? Let us look at the reality and see why cynics react so harshly to government protestations that Commission exercises are intended genuinely.
In 2006, when the Udalagama Commission of Inquiry was established to look into particular cases of serious human rights violations, this columnist, among others, predicted that the entire exercise would be a total waste of time, energy and money. Then, these same protestations were heard. We were informed that we were not even giving this Commission a chance.
But what happened thereafter was predictable. The failed interaction of the Udalagama Commission with the team of international observers headed by former Indian Chief Justice PN Bhagwati, was only part of the unpleasant drama that dogged this Commission. Though government propagandists sought hard by conveying the impression that the observers were anti Sri Lankan, (with the impression that they were pro-LTTE), this was actually far from the case.
Many of these observers were well known and respected jurists in the field of international human rights law who were aware of Sri Lanka’s juristic reputation in past decades in the Commonwealth and were certainly not ill intentioned towards Sri Lanka at all.
Yet due to a lamentable lack of diplomacy if not open hostility on the part of those representing the government in dealing with them, resulting in equal antagonism in return, the Commission itself was unable to keep the peace ultimately and open warfare erupted resulting in the observers pulling out.
Even if one were to take this fiasco entirely out of the reckoning, the fate that befell the Udalagama Commission was telling. In 2009, it was compelled to disband ignominiously with a considerable proportion of its cases still remaining uninvestigated, when its term was not extended by the Presidential Secretariat. As was commonly accepted at that time, this was a Commission exercise intended to placate the international community and assuredly not to bring at least some measure of accountability to the table.
Cynicism apparent at different levels
Insofar as the current situation is concerned, it is not merely the past history of these Commissions of Inquiry that underscores as to why very few people do not believe in these exercises. The cynicism that greets such Commissions in Sri Lanka is heightened for very basic and commonsensical reasons.
Simply put, we have the Office of the Presidency consolidating more and more power in itself, as evidenced by the wholesale disposing of the Constitutional Council. This means that even if the long suffering constitutional commissions on the public service, the police and elections and the National Human Rights Commission, among others, are established within the coming months, public trust in their independent and credible functioning will be greatly diminished. No doubt we will have lawyers and retired judges rushing to accept appointments to these bodies in the same way that they did when President Mahinda Rajapaksa disregarded the mandatory conditions of the 17th Amendment and made his own appointments some years back. However, the mere establishing of these bodies without the necessary ingredients of independence and credibility will accomplish very little. Surely even a first year law student would realize this?
Then again, we have amendments to the local government laws being contemplated that will centre more authority in the ruling party presently holding the electoral reins. We have a pending proposal to convert the Colombo Municipal Council into a private authority ostensibly on the argument that the entity would be run more professionally. We have the Department of the Police continuing to be situated under the aegis of the Ministry of Defence, (surely a most startling proposition in peacetime, whatever the arguments there may be during the conflict). The Office of the Attorney General functions under the President with attendant negative implications on its independence and credibility.
Learning lessons from the past
In such a context which speaks not to democracy and the rule of law but to the exact converse, namely blatant authoritarianism, is it feasible to believe that a body such as the Lessons Learnt Commission is a genuine exercise? Attempts by government spokesmen to liken this Commission to the South African Commission on Truth and Reconciliation are laughable. The mandate and context of the South African body and the Sri Lankan Commission are substantially different so as to virtually belong in two different worlds and deserve detailed analysis elsewhere than in a newspaper column.
Even with the best of will and taken at its kindest interpretation, we may even believe in the idea of a Lessons Learnt Commission in a post war Sri Lanka, (and perhaps the bona fides of the Commissioners themselves), but assuredly not in the bona fides of the government in having the political will to make this Commission exercise different from its predecessor. Sweet words and injured protestations will not suffice to disprove this inevitable cynicism. If this government is keen on actually learning lessons from past history and in promoting reconciliation, it does not need yet another imaginatively termed Commission. Rather, it should peruse the numerous reports of past Commissions of Inquiry from the 1950s headed by reputable and committed Sri Lankans which have handed down concrete and carefully thought out recommendations on achieving truth, justice and reparations not only for the minority communities but for Sri Lanka’s majority community as well. The recommendations handed down by these Commissions are presently confined to the paper on which the reports are written. These recommendations should be immediately implemented.
Perhaps then we may justifiably welcome Commissions of Inquiry, (on Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation or otherwise), with a little less natural mistrust.
| E-mail | views[224]
Other Columns
Political Column
MR confident of winning LG polls
5th Column
Oh dear, apologies are so dear!
The Economic Analysis
The economy and the stock market performance
Lobby
Some are more equal than others!
Focus on Rights
Sweet logic and commissions of inquiry
Talk at the Cafe Spectator
Twists and turns in Deputy Minister's incident
From the Sidelines
GL takes on the world
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